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Showing 1 to 7 of 7 (0.031 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"concil"" "subject:"koncil""
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[en] A LACK OF A CLEAR-CUT DEFINITION OF THE CONCEPT OF HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION: REFLECTION ON THE EAST TIMOR CASE / [pt] A INDETERMINAÇÃO DO CONCEITO DE INTERVENÇÃO HUMANITÁRIA: REFLEXO NO CASO TIMOR LESTEPAULA BARTOLINI SPIELER 13 September 2007 (has links)
[pt] A indeterminação do conceito de intervenção humanitária é
latente na
literatura de Relações Internacionais e do Direito. Apesar
de o tema intervenção
humanitária ter feito parte da agenda internacional no
período pós-Guerra Fria, o
que tal prática constitui permanece sem consenso. O
objetivo do presente trabalho
é analisar a problemática da falta de consenso sobre o
conceito de intervenção
humanitária. Para tanto, serão analisados sete elementos
do referido conceito: (i) o
agente da intervenção; (ii) a necessidade ou não do uso da
força; (iii) a postura do
Estado-alvo em relação à ingerência externa; (iv) os
beneficiários da intervenção;
(v) as violações de direitos humanos que podem dar ensejo
a uma intervenção
humanitária; (vi) os objetivos da intervenção humanitária;
(vii) o momento da
intervenção. Em seguida, será analisado o caso do Timor
Leste, a fim de
demonstrar as implicações da falta de consenso acerca do
referido conceito.
Espera-se, assim, poder contribuir para o debate sobre o
conceito de intervenção
humanitária nas doutrinas de Relações Internacionais e do
Direito. / [en] The International Relations and Law literature lacks a
clear-cut definition
of the concept of humanitarian intervention. Even though
humanitarian
intervention theme has been present in the political
agenda of the post-Cold War
period, there is no consensus around its meaning. The
objective of the present
work is to analyze the lack of consensus regarding the
concept of humanitarian
intervention. In order to achieve this task, we will
analyze seven elements of the
referred concept: (i) the agent of intervention; (ii) the
use of force; (iii) the target
State behavior regarding external intervention; (iv) the
beneficiaries of
intervention; (v) the human rights violations that enable
the practice of
humanitarian intervention; (vi) the goals of humanitarian
intervention; (vii) the
moment of intervention. The next step will be to study the
East Timor case so as
to demonstrate the implications of the lack of consensus
regarding the referred
concept. We hope, therefore, to contribute to the debate
on the concept of
humanitarian intervention in the International Relations
and Law literature.
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[en] HUMAN RIGHTS, MORAL INTERDEPENDENCE AND THE REDEFINITION OF THE USE OF FORCE BY UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL: THE CASE OF UNPROFOR / [pt] DIREITOS HUMANOS, INTERDEPENDÊNCIA MORAL E A REDEFINIÇÃO DO USO DA FORÇA PELO CONSELHO DE SEGURANÇA DAS NAÇÕES UNIDAS: O CASO DA UNPROFORMARCOS VINICIUS MESQUITA ANTUNES DE FIGUEIREDO 09 May 2007 (has links)
[pt] Este trabalho analisa as transformações normativas quanto
à utilização da
força pelo Conselho de Segurança (CS) das Nações Unidas e
a maneira como United
Nations Protection Force expressa essas mudanças. A
expansão do regime de direitos
humanos da ONU, combinada com o aumento
da interdependência moral entre os
Estados-membros dessa organização são a tônica das
mudanças que desafiam os
conceitos clássicos de segurança coletiva e soberania
nacional. O primeiro, em razão
da criação de instituições permanentes onde se debate o
cumprimento desse regime,
transformando, por isso, as expectativas dos Estados
quanto ao comportamento dos
demais. O segundo, por viabilizar o acesso às informações
sobre possíveis violações
aos direitos humanos. A forma como a ONU atuou no processo
de desintegração da
antiga Iugoslávia indica a ocorrência dessas
transformações. A operação nesse país
foi articulada de modo a garantir a integridade dos
habitantes dessa região. As
principais resoluções do CS relativas a esse conflito
sinalizaram para um vínculo
entre direitos humanos e o conceito de ameaça à paz
previsto no art. 39 da Carta da
ONU. Entretanto, os Estados membros não se demonstraram
dispostos a arcar com os
custos de uma operação de segurança que assegurasse o
respeito a esses direitos. Isso
indica que as normas favoráveis à intervenção humanitária
coexistem com limitações
baseadas nas políticas nacionais dos Estados. Porém, ao
autorizar o uso da força para
proteger grupos de seres humanos o CS adotou uma
interpretação pós-westfaliana do
sistema de segurança internacional da ONU, redefinindo o
conceito clássico de
soberania nacional. / [en] The paper analyzes normative transformations in the use of
force by the
Security Council of the United Nations and the way in
which the UNPROFOR
(United Nations Protection Force) expresses these changes.
The growing widespread
of the UN human rights regime combined with the increase
on levels of moral
interdependence among UN member states are at the center
of transformations that
challenge classical concepts of collective security and
sovereignty. First, because of
the creation of permanent institutions in which the
fulfillment of this regime is
debated, since they change State expectations regarding
the behavior of other States.
Second, for making the access of information concerning
human rights violations
possible. The way in which the UN acted in the process of
disintegration of the
former Yugoslavia indicates the occurrence of such
transformations. The operation
was planned to guarantee the integrity of the people in
the region. The main
resolutions of the SC regarding the conflict signaled a
connection between human
rights and the concept of threat to peace in accordance
to the art. 39 of the UN
Charter. Nevertheless, the member states did not seem
inclined to undertake the costs
of security operations that would guarantee the respect
for such rights. That indicates
that the rules favoring humanitarian intervention coexist
with limitations derived
from the domestic realm of politics. Nonetheless by
authorizing the use of force for
the protection of human beings, the SC adopted a post-
Westphalian interpretation of
the UN international security system, redefining the
classical concept of national
sovereignty.
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[en] THE HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION IN THREE AFRICAN QUASI-STATES: SOMALIA, RWANDA AND LIBERIA / [pt] A INTERVENÇÃO HUMANITÁRIA EM TRÊS QUASE-ESTADOS AFRICANOS: SOMÁLIA, RUANDA E LIBÉRIAALEXANDRE DOS SANTOS SILVA 01 April 2004 (has links)
[pt] O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar as intervenções
humanitárias ocorridas na Somália, em Ruanda e na Libéria a
partir do entendimento que cada um desses países se
caracteriza como um quase-Estado e que essa condição foi uma
das principais responsáveis pelo colapso das instituições
estatais em cada um deles. Este trabalho inicia
apresentando e discutindo os conceitos de intervenção
humanitária, quase-Estado e colapso do Estado e segue numa
análise dos antecedentes históricos que levaram cada país
ao colapso e às respectivas intervenções internacionais
(ONU na Somália; França em Ruanda; e Ecowas na Libéria).
Por fim, descreve os equívocos cometidos em cada uma das
três intervenções e suas conseqüências para a resolução ou
prolongamento dos conflitos. / [en] The aim of this work is to describe the humanitarian
interventions in Somalia, Rwanda and Liberia from the
understandings of each country as quase- State and this
condition as one of the major causes for the collapse of
each state`s institutions. This work begins describing and
discussing the concepts of humanitarian intervention, quasi-
State and State collapse and analyses the historic facts
that precedes the collapse of each country and the
respective interventions (the UN`s in Somalia; the French`s
in Rwanda; and the Ecowas` in Liberia). The final part
describes the equivocals done in each one and the
consequences for the resolution or the extending of the
conflicts.
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[en] CHALLENGES OF OF CHILD PROTECTION IN UN PEACE OPERATIONS: THE ROLE OF CHILD PROTECTION ADVISERS IN THE CONTEXT OF MONUSCO / [pt] OS DESAFIOS DA PROTEÇÃO INFANTIL EM OPERAÇÕES DE PAZ DAS NAÇÕES UNIDAS: O PAPEL DOS CONSELHEIROS DE PROTEÇÃO DE CRIANÇAS NO CONTEXTO DA MONUSCOARIANNE KERN DE DUTRA CORIA 09 May 2019 (has links)
[pt] A agenda de proteção de crianças é um tema relevante em Missões de Paz das Nações Unidas. Desenvolvida a partir de 1996, a agenda temática do Conselho de Segurança surgiu com objetivo de proteger menores de 18 anos dos impactos dos conflitos armados. Os Conselheiros de Proteção de Crianças (CPA) surgem com o propósito de materialização dessa agenda nas missões multidimensionais da ONU. Com base na análise da agenda internacional construída ao longo das duas últimas décadas no âmbito do Conselho de Segurança da ONU para garantir a proteção de crianças em situações de conflitos armados, o objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar a forma como tais mecanismos de proteção são traduzidos no trabalho do CPA, considerando, assim, os limites desse ferramental. Será analisado o caso dos CPAs na Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas na República Democrática do Congo (MONUSCO), já que é missão mais antiga e com maior número de CPAs atualmente. Dentre os principais achados da análise está o fato dos CPAs que trabalham no país possuírem um mandato muito extenso em um contexto local muito complexo, e no qual os recursos financeiros e humanos são escassos. Ademais, o trabalho desenvolve a necessidade de problematização da compreensão da criança nos moldes modernos, no qual a criança é entendida como apolítica, vulnerável e vítima nos contextos de conflitos armados. / [en] The child protection agenda is a relevant theme in United Nations Peace Missions. Developed since 1996, the Security Council s thematic agenda emerged with the aim of protecting children under the age of 18 from the impacts of armed conflict. The Child Protection Advisers (CPAs) come up with the purpose of
materializing this agenda in the UN multidimensional missions. Based on the analysis of the international agenda built over the last two decades within the framework of the UN Security Council to ensure the protection of children in situations of armed conflict, the objective of this work is to analyze how these
protection mechanisms are translated in the work of the CPA, thus considering the limits of this tools. Will be analyzed the case of the CPAs in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO), since it is the oldest mission with the highest number of CPAs currently. Among the
main findings of the analysis is the fact that CPAs working at DRC have a very large mandate in a very complex local context, and in which human and financial resources are scarce. In addition, the work develops the need to problematize the child s understanding in modern ways, in which the child is understood as apolitical, vulnerable and victim in the context of armed conflicts.
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Les politiques publiques conduites en faveur des monuments français sous la Monarchie de Juillet, par le Parlement et la Liste Civile » / The public politics made in favour of the french monuments, by the parliamentarians and the King Louis-Philippe, during the “Monarchie de Juillet” (July’s monarchy)Frapet, David 17 December 2012 (has links)
"Durant les 17 années du règne de Louis-Philippe d'Orléans, la France a entièrement restauré ses monuments historiques. La Monarchie de Juillet a entrepris la restauration et l'entretien de ses monuments construits sous l'Antiquité, le Moyen Age et le premier Empire. Parallèlement à l'action des Parlementaires, le Roi des Français, sur les fonds de sa dotation pécuniaire qui lui était versée chaque année par le Trésor Public, a entrepris un vaste plan de restauration des palais placés dans le domaine de la Couronne : Les Tuileries, Saint Cloud, Fontainebleau, Compiègne, Meudon... Il transforma aussi le palais de Versailles en "Musée consacré à toutes les Gloires de la France". Rien que ce chantier lui coûta personnellement la somme de 24 Millions de Francs.La Monarchie de Juillet, qui était un régime né de la révolution de Juillet 1830, devait se construire une légitimité à partir de rien. Ne pouvant se réclamer ni de la Tradition, ni de la gloire des armes, ni même de la Souveraineté du peuple ou du Principe monarchique, la jeune Monarchie de Juillet entama une vaste politique de restauration et d'achèvement de monuments qui dataient notamment de l'Empire et de la Monarchie absolue. Il s'agissait, pour Louis Philippe, de s'approprier l'intégralité de l'héritage politique français, afin de montrer le caractère universel de son régime. C'est ainsi que la Monarchie de Juillet construisit sa légitimité à gouverner la France.Cette thèse analyse les budgets investis dans les monuments français par les Gouvernements et les parlementaires, entre Juillet 1830 et Février 1848 (date de la chute de ce régime), ainsi que la politique conduite dans ce domaine des monuments, personnellement par Louis-Philippe à la même époque. L'auteur à dépouillé intégralement une partie du fonds O/4 des Archives Nationales de France, travail qui n'avait pas été réalisé jusqu'alors avec autant de précisions." / "During the 17 years of the reign of Louis-Philippe d'Orléans, France restored fully its historic monuments. The “Monarchie de Juillet” began the restoration and maintenance of monuments built in ancient times, the Middle Ages and the first Empire. In parallel with the action of Parliament, the King of the French undertook a comprehensive plan of restoration of those palaces belonging to the Crown: the Tuileries, St. Cloud, Fontainebleau, Compiègne, Meudon, drawing from his own endowment fund annually allocated by the public revenue. He also converted the Palace of Versailles into a "museum dedicated to all the glories of France." This site alone cost him 24 millions Francs. The “Monarchie de juillet” which was a regime born of the revolution of July 1830, had to build legitimacy from scratch. Unable to claim to be the fruits of tradition, or military glory, or even the sovereignty of the people or the monarchial principle, the young “Monarchie de Juillet” entered into an extensive policy of restoration and completion in particular of such monuments dating from the Empire and the absolute monarchy. Louis Philippe aimed to take over the entire French political legacy, in order to show the universal nature of his regime. In this way the “Monarchie de Juillet” built its legitimacy to govern France.This thesis analyzes the budgets invested in French monuments by governments and parliamentarians, between July 1830 and February 1848 (the date of the fall of the regime), as well as the personal political commitment of Louis Philippe in the field of monuments, during the same period.The author has fully analysed a part of the fund O / 4 of French National Archives a work that has never been done previously with so much precision.
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Překlad Ancrene Wisse, "Řádu pro poustevnice" / Ancrene Wisse, Guide for Anchoresses, A Czech translation.Petříková, Klára January 2015 (has links)
Abstract, Ancrene Wisse, "Guide for Anchoresses" A Czech Translation (2015) Klára Petříková Ancrene Wisse (Guide for Anchoresses) is a remarkable work of the Middle English literature dating back to the first half of the 13th century. Its author (presumably a Dominican) conceived it as "spiritual life guidelines" for three sisters of a noble origin who decided to renounce the world. Besides its didactic purpose, its character is meditative and contemplative. Riveting in its style, its rich metaphors and heightened sensibility link it with the later tradition of the English mystical writers (Julian of Norwich), The work abounds in quotations, paraphrases of the continental monastic authors (St. Augustine, Bernard of Clairvaux). Surviving in seventeen manuscripts, it had been quoted till the Renaissance and its importance is further confirmed by a contemporaneous translation into Latin and French. Present translation aims to introduce this work to the Czech readers and to put it in its historical, social and literary context.
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Genre et conflits : l'effectivité de la résolution 1325 de l'ONU de l'oeuvre sur les femmes la paix et la sécurité / Gender and conflict : the effectiveness of the un resolution 1325 on women, peace and securityRobeye Rirangar, Aime 28 October 2016 (has links)
Les populations civiles, dont la majorité est constituée des femmes et des enfants (près de 70%), ont été de tout temps la cible privilégiée des conflits armés, qui s’accompagnent généralement des conséquences graves en matière des violations des droits de l’homme. Et pourtant les conventions et textes juridiques internationaux protègent les personnes civiles en temps de guerre. Dans le but de lutter contre l’exclusion des femmes aux processus de paix et faciliter leur participation, le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU a adopté le 31 octobre 2000 la résolution 1325 intitulée « les femmes, la paix et la sécurité », qui fait obligation aux Etats et aux organisations impliquées dans un conflit d’impliquer les femmes dans tous les processus de paix. L’adoption de cette résolution par le Conseil de Sécurité a permis de réaliser un certain nombre de progrès en matière de renforcement des mécanismes de protection des droits des femmes et de leur participation aux opérations de paix. Toutefois des efforts restent encore à faire pour atteindre les objectifs fixés notamment par l’adoption des plans d’actions nationaux par tous les Etats. / Civilians, which most of them are women and children (nearly 70%) were always the main target of armed conflicts, which generally involve serious consequences for human rights violations. Yet international conventions and laws protect civilians in wartime. In order to fight against women's exclusion in peace processes and facilitate their involvement, the UN Security Council adopted on October 31st 2000 the 1325's Resolution entitled " Women, Peace and Security " which requires states and organizations involved in a conflict to involve women in all peace processes. The Security Council's adoption of this resolution allowed to make some progress on strengthening women's rights protection mechanisms and participation in peacekeeping operations. However, efforts are still needed to achieve the objectives including the adoption of national action plans by all States.
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