The Constitution, being the Supreme Law of the Peruvian legal system, irradiates its normative force towards all the legal fields. For its part, Commercial Law is an area based on privatea utonomy; however, in our legal system a zone free of constitutional control does not exist.In this article, the author conducts a remarkable analysis about the constitutionalization of Commercial Law, making reference to the Constitutional Court’s jurisprudence which, applying fundamental principles  and  rights,  has had an effect on the application of the commercial laws in our country. / La Constitución, al ser la Norma Suprema del sistema jurídico peruano, irradia su fuerza normativaa todos los ámbitos del Derecho. Por su parte, elDerecho Mercantil es una rama que se basa en laautonomía privada; sin embargo, en nuestro orde-namiento no existe zona que esté exenta de controlconstitucional.En este artículo, el autor realiza un notable análisis acerca de la constitucionalización del Derecho Mercantil, haciendo un recorrido por la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional que, aplicando principios y derechos fundamentales, ha influido en la aplicación de las normas mercantiles en nuestro país.

Apesar de o direito ser feito para trazer estabilidade à sociedade e garantia a seus membros, hoje em dia no Brasil esse propósito não se verifica adequadamente como deveria. Este trabalho se concentra na segurança jurídica, uma expressão no direito romanogermânico que contém a idéia de como o direito deve dar ao povo um sentido de certeza e também embasa a coisa julgada e o controle de constitucionalidade. Na verdade, o sentido de estabilidade no direito brasileiro está em crise. Este estudo procura saber o motivo e tenta achar uma resposta na doutrina e nas decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal para entender como isso afeta a coisa julgada e o controle de constitucionalidade. A conclusão leva à idéia de que o modelo de controle difuso de constitucionalidade sem a vinculação obrigatória dos precedentes, combinado com um enfoque no controle concentrado e abstrato de constitucionalidade é a causa de vários problemas, afetando não apenas o conceito de coisa julgada mas também trazendo danos à segurança jurídica. / Altough law is made to bring stability to the society, and assurance for its members, nowadays in Brazil its purpose is not occurring properly and as it should do. This work focuses on legal security, a term in civil law that contains the idea of how law must give people a sense of certainty, and also supports the res judicata and judicial review. Actually, the sense of stability in Brazilian law is in crisis. This study wonders why and tries to find an answer in jurisprudence and in the Supremo Tribunal Federal (Brazilian supreme court) decisions to understand how it affects the institutes of res judicata and judicial review. The conclusion leads to the idea that a judicial review model without stare decisis combined with the classic civil law constitutional court is the cause of several problems, affecting not only the concept of res judicata but also damaging the legal security.

Função política do Estado é a atividade que órgãos instituídos pela Constituição exercem no âmbito de sua competência, tendo por objetivo preservar a sociedade política e promover o bem comum, e que consiste em determinar, mediante a livre interpretação de normas constitucionais, o que é o interesse público e quais são os meios necessários à sua implementação. A função política é desempenhada por diversos órgãos e poderes, inclusive pelos tribunais constitucionais. Os tribunais constitucionais exercem função política, basicamente, em relação a quatro grandes temas: separação de poderes, federalismo, direitos fundamentais e funcionamento das instituições democráticas. O exercício da função política pelos tribunais constitucionais possui características específicas. Os tribunais constitucionais têm legitimidade para exercer função política, apesar de seus integrantes normalmente não serem escolhidos pelo voto popular. No desempenho de função política, os tribunais constitucionais devem observar limites. No Brasil, o órgão que exerce o papel de tribunal constitucional é o Supremo Tribunal Federal. O Supremo Tribunal Federal, ao longo de sua história, desde sua instalação, em 1891, até os dias atuais, contribuiu para a definição do que é o interesse público, bem como para a definição dos meios necessários para sua implementação. Portanto, exerceu função política. Foram identificadas sete fases na história do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Em algumas delas, o Supremo Tribunal Federal exerceu função política mais ativamente. Em outras fases, limitou-se a confirmar decisões adotadas por outros órgãos de soberania. O Supremo Tribunal Federal tem legitimidade para exercer função política. Sua jurisprudência demonstra também que, no exercício da função política, o Supremo Tribunal Federal observou limites. / Political function of the State is the work performed by constitutional bodies, within the scope of their respective competencies, to preserve political society and promote public welfare. It consists in determining, through free interpretation of constitutional rules, what may be considered of public welfare and what are the necessary mechanisms for its implementation. Political function is performed by various powers and bodies including the constitutional courts. Basically, constitutional courts exercise political function in relation to four major subjects: segregation of power, federalism, basic rights and the functioning of democratic institutions. Constitutional courts bear specific characteristics when it comes to exercising their political function. A constitutional court has the legitimacy to exercise political functions even though its constituents are not elected through popular suffrage. In the exercise of their political function, constitutional courts must beware of some limits. In Brazil, the body that plays the role of constitutional court is the Federal Supreme Court. Throughout its history, that is, since its establishment in 1891 until the present, the Federal Supreme Court has contributed to define what public welfare is, as well as to its implemen-tation. Therefore, it has exercised its political function. Considering its jurisprudence, it is possible to identify seven stages in the Federal Supreme Court history. In some of these stages the Supreme Court exercises its political function actively. In other stages, simply confirmed decisions taken by other bodies. The Federal Supreme Court has legitimacy to exercise its political function. Its jurisprudence also shows that, in the exercise of its political function, the Federal Supreme Court has known some limits.

Née des cendres du régime colonial français, la Guinée a connu une histoire tumultueuse tant au niveau de la formation de l’État actuel qu’au niveau de son histoire constitutionnelle. Au lendemain de son indépendance (obtenue au prix d’une longue lutte politique) en 1958, le pays va connaître différents cycles constitutionnels : le régime présidentialiste, le régime présidentiel et enfin le régime démocratique. De 1958 à 2009, ces deux premiers régimes furent essentiellement caractérisés par des crises constitutionnelles avec des graves répercussions dans tous les secteurs de la vie nationale. Mais ces différentes crises ont connu des manifestations différentes et n’ont pas toutes été résolues de la même façon.La plupart d’entre elles ont résulté de la violation de textes constitutionnels souvent confus et incomplets, mais aussi de la suspension pure et simple de la Constitution. À cet égard, et par voie de comparaison avec d’autres pays africains où ils ont fait leur preuve, les modes de résolutions politiques et juridictionnels ont toujours été utilisés pour résoudre les crises en Guinée. Ces modes ont été et sont encore vus comme les plus appropriés dans le contexte guinéen. Mais au-delà de ces modes de résolution, d’ailleurs très répandus dans l’Afrique tout entière, il paraît nécessaire aujourd’hui d’expérimenter d’autres approches qui seraient indispensables à la paix durable et à la cohésion nationale. De ces nouvelles pistes, nous pouvons retenir la justice transitionnelle et la démocratie consociative qui portent respectivement d’une part, sur la réparation des crimes du passé ; d’autre part, sur la répartition du pouvoir et des richesses entre les différentes régions ou communautés. Ces modes alternatifs pourraient apporter des solutions adéquates aux vraies racines des problèmes constitutionnels et à cet égard, méritent d’être appréhendés à travers le prisme du contexte guinéen. / Born from the ashes of French colonial rule, Guinea has known a tumultuous history both in the formation of the current government at the level of its constitutional history. In the aftermath of independence (at the cost of a long political struggle) in 1958, the country experiences different constitutional cycles: the presidential regime, the presidential systemand the democratic regime. From 1958 to 2009, these first regimes were essentially characterized by constitutional crises with serious implications for all sectors of the national life. But these different crises took place differently and have not all been resolved in the same way.Most of these constitutional crises resulted from the violation of constitutional texts often confusing and incomplete but also suspension of the Constitution. In this respect, and by comparison with other African countries where they have proven themselves, modes of political and judicial resolutions have always been used to resolve the crises in Guinea. These modes have been and are still seen as the most appropriate in the Guinean context. But beyond these modes of resolution, also widespread in Africa as a whole, it seems necessary now to experiment with other approaches that are essential for sustainable peace and national cohesion. These new tracks, we can retain transitional justice and consociational democracy which deal on the first hand, with repairing the painful past; on the other hand, with the distribution of power and wealth between the different regions or communities. These alternatives modes could bring adequate solutions to the real roots of the constitutional issues and in this regard, deserve to be approached through the prism of Guinean context.

Les juridictions constitutionnelles ont sans doute de larges compétences interprétatives. Toutefois, l’ampleur de ces compétences varie dans les différents ordres juridiques selon l’aptitude que les autres organes et autorités de l’Etat peuvent adopter devant ces interprétations. Une juridiction constitutionnelle a une suprématie interprétative dans un Etat en particulier si ses interprétations doivent être obligatoirement respectées et appliquées par tous les autres organes et autorités de l’Etat. Si ses interprétations sont seulement obligatoires pour quelques autorités, cette juridiction constitutionnelle a simplement une compétence interprétative supérieure vis-à-vis de ces autorités. Afin d’identifier les plus larges compétences interprétatives des juridictions constitutionnelles, la démarche comparative est hautement recommandée parce qu’elle permet de distinguer plus facilement les limitations que ces juridictions peuvent rencontrer dans leurs ordres juridiques respectifs. Ainsi, en suivant cette démarche, seront identifiées l’ampleur des compétences interprétatives des juridictions constitutionnelles française et colombienne et leurs répercussions dans chacun de leurs Etats. / Constitutional jurisdictions should have wide interpretative powers. However, the scope of these competences varies in different legal systems depending on the ability of other authorities to adopt such interpretations. A constitutional court has interpretative supremacy in a particular State, if its interpretations are binding for all other departments of the State. If its interpretations are just binding for some authorities, this constitutional court would simply have a superior interpretative competence toward those authorities. In order to determine the broader interpretative powers of the constitutional courts, the comparative approach is highly recommended because it makes easier to distinguish the limitations that these jurisdictions may encounter in their respective legal systems. In this way, the scope of the interpretative powers of the French and Colombian constitutional courts will be identified as well as their repercussions in each of its states.

This thesis aims to find out what the role of the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic in environmental protection is. It should be found out through analysis of the case-law in this field. At first it follows up the characteristics and history of the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic. It continues by talking about sources of environmental law and the most important chapter contains analysis of the cases. The thesis discusses the right to the favorable environment, the right to environmental information, the EIA procedure, the Aarhus Convention and the collision of the right to a favorable environment with other rights and freedoms as the most important topics. The thesis showed that the Constitutional Court ruled several times during his practice significantly in favor of the environment. But the less positive conclusion of the thesis is that Czech Republic law does not fully comply with the Aarhus Convention despite it is our obligation. The Constitutional Court will surely deal with this topic again. And the praxes will show us whether we are able to move our legislation closer to public participation in the processess related to the environment. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

This thesis deals with the design and implementation of the Internet service, which allows to objectively assess and verify the reliability and diligence of Czech lawyers based on publicly available data of several courts. The aim of the thesis is to create and put into operation this service. The result of the work are the programs that provide partial actions in the realization of this intention.

Das herkömmliche völkerrechtliche Institut des diplomatischen Schutzes ist im Verhältnis zwischen Staaten (als originären Völkerrechtssubjekten) entstanden. Aber auch intergouvernmentale Organisationen sind in der Lage, Maßnahmen mit unmittelbarer Rechtswirkung gegenüber Einzelpersonen zu treffen, so daß auch hier die Frage aufzuwerfen ist, wann und mit welchen Mitteln der jeweilige Heimatstaat die (Grund-)Rechte seiner Staatsangehörigen gegenüber einer solchen Organisation geltend machen kann.

En este trabajo, más allá del análisis y veredicto que se realizará de la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional (en adelante, “TC”) N° 02005-2009-PA/TC, es fundamental para la autora destacar la importancia que tiene el reconocimiento de los derechos sexuales, reproductivos y, de forma más amplia, el derecho a la libertad personal y dignidad que tienen todas las personas y familias; los cuales les permiten desarrollar, a voluntad propia, su proyecto de vida, el cual implica, dentro de otras cosas, la planificación familiar de cada individuo. En la sentencia en cuestión, el TC decidió retirar los Anticonceptivos Orales de Emergencia (en adelante, “AOE”), más conocidos como la Píldora del Día Siguiente, del listado de métodos anticonceptivos que el Ministerio de Salud había establecido para la ejecución de su programa estatal de planificación familiar, el cual tiene como finalidad propiciar el bienestar sexual y desarrollo humano de las personas. A estimación de la autora, resulta crucial entender cómo esta decisión del TC afecta, no solo a las familias en su planificación familiar, sino también a las mujeres de sectores socioeconómicos bajos; puesto que, además de ir en contra de los derechos mencionados en el primer párrafo, esta sentencia “resuelve” la controversia de una forma discriminatoria, ya que deja la posibilidad abierta a que las personas puedan acceder a este método anticonceptivo en el sector privado; sin embargo, restringe esta posibilidad para aquellas mujeres que no tienen la posibilidad de acceder por sus propios medios a esta pastilla. / Trabajo de suficiencia profesional

El presente informe versa sobre un caso en específico -y originado en el departamento de Madre de Dios- que ha trascendido en la legislación peruana, toda vez que a través del Pleno Sentencia 641/2021, se le exhorta al Congreso de la República a la modificación del artículo 20 del Código Civil Peruano recalcando que dicho texto legal no impone un orden de prelación sobre los apellidos que se le asignará al hijo. Este caso se remonta al año 2019, cuando Marcelina Rudas Valer a favor de su hija, Jhojana Rudas Guedes, acuden ante el Tribunal Constitucional con el fin de interponer un Hábeas Corpus contra el jefe institucional del Registro Nacional de Identificación y Estado Civil (RENIEC) solicitando que el apellido materno de la representada se consigne primero que el paterno; y así, se le emita su DNI con el nombre por el cual esta se identifica tanto socialmente como legalmente: Jhojana Rudas Guedes. Ante ello, el objetivo del presente informe es analizar la importancia del derecho a la igualdad y no discriminación (de género) en la sociedad actual y cómo este influye en el derecho a la identidad de nuestros hijos. ¿Cómo debería de interpretarse el artículo 20° del Código Civil Peruano? Por un lado, desde siempre se asumió “estrictamente” que el orden de los apellidos es: primero el paterno y posteriormente, el materno; por otro lado, se discute que esta disposición legal no impone un orden de prelación de apellidos, sino por el contrario, debería de entenderse como una fuente de igualdad. Asimismo, se brindará un breve alcance sobre los derechos fundamentales, las diferentes posturas y pronunciamientos de los magistrados peruanos con respecto al caso de Jhojana Rudas Guedes y cómo es que esta última logra obtener un fallo favorable en el máximo órgano de interpretación, dando un giro a la historia del Perú. / Trabajo de suficiencia profesional