Submitted by Marta Toyoda (1144061@mackenzie.br) on 2017-04-27T21:56:59Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Mariana Santos de Andrade.pdf: 1731196 bytes, checksum: 63508e0589818a229ee577175a2cb11b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Paola Damato (repositorio@mackenzie.br) on 2017-04-28T13:20:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Mariana Santos de Andrade.pdf: 1731196 bytes, checksum: 63508e0589818a229ee577175a2cb11b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-28T13:20:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Mariana Santos de Andrade.pdf: 1731196 bytes, checksum: 63508e0589818a229ee577175a2cb11b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Political discourse is often marked by clashes between the candidates for an election, who try to establish a self-image (face) that matches society expectations. Considering the controversies among politicians, it is possible that the speech given by them is marked by specific strategies aimed at maintaining their faces and at attacking their opponents’ faces, in order to obtain votes. This research analyses two presidential debates from the perspective of impoliteness studies. The central research problem can be reflected through two questions: a) How is the manifestation of impoliteness, considering the acts that threat the face, in the Brazilian presidential debates of 1989 and 2014? b) In view of the analysis, were there changes in the use of impolite strategies in different temporal divisions in the use of the Brazilian Portuguese? Based on these questions, we developed hypotheses that will be analyzed to guide the writing of this research: a) the political debate is a controversial interaction. Thus, it is necessary that the candidates remain constantly vigilant to preserve their faces, given the goal of winning votes; b) the communication process is guided by linguistic, cultural, ideological and social factors. As part of a complex that involves language and communicative practices of action, we note generally present in linguistic acts strategies needed to install and maintain harmony. However, there may be certain types of interaction in which impoliteness is the rule; c) impoliteness strategies may change over time. In light of the central problem and hypotheses, we intend to analyze the debates a perspective established in Pragmatics, based on the theoretical assumptions proposed by Bravo (1999, 2003, 2004a, 2004b), Blas Arroyo (2001, 2011) and Silva (2013). / O discurso político costuma ser marcado por embates entre os candidatos a uma eleição, que procuram estabelecer uma imagem que corresponda ao esperado pela sociedade. Em meio a controvérsias existentes entre os políticos, é possível que o discurso proferido por eles seja marcado por estratégias específicas que visam à manutenção das imagens e ao ataque à imagem dos oponentes, tendo em vista a conquista de votos. Esta pesquisa propôs, então, uma análise de dois debates presidenciais a partir da perspectiva dos estudos da descortesia. O problema central da pesquisa pode ser refletido por meio de duas perguntas: a) De que modo ocorre a manifestação da descortesia, ponderando acerca dos atos de ameaça à imagem, nos debates presidenciais brasileiros de 1989 e de 2014? b) Considerando o material de análise, as estratégias descorteses mudaram em circunscrições temporais distintas? Partindo desses questionamentos, podem-se elaborar hipóteses que serão analisadas para orientar a escrita desta dissertação: a) no debate político ocorre uma interação polêmica. Dessa forma, é necessário que os candidatos se mantenham constantemente atentos para preservar suas imagens, considerando o objetivo de conquistar votos; b) o processo comunicacional é orientado por fatores linguísticos, culturais, ideológicos e sociais. Como parte de um complexo que envolve ações de linguagem e práticas comunicativas, notam-se, em geral, presentes nos atos linguísticos estratégias necessárias para instalar e manter a harmonia. No entanto, podem existir determinados tipos de interação, conflituosos por natureza, nos quais a cortesia deixa de ser a regra; c) as estratégias de descortesia podem sofrer alterações no decorrer do tempo. Tendo em mira o problema central e as hipóteses levantadas, pretende-se analisar os debates apontados sob a perspectiva da Pragmática, a partir de pressupostos teóricos de Bravo (1999, 2003, 2004a, 2004b), de Blas Arroyo (2001, 2011) e de Silva (2013).

Games as a medium is about to change, and with this change comes a search for themes outside the normal range of what is seen as acceptable in the medium. In this paper we, Michael Levall and Carl Boström, use debate and Socratic dialogue to portray the value of looking at a topic from several different angles, with the topic of choice for this project being life philosophies. During production, we create a game which sets out to affect its player even after he or she has finished playing it, possibly teaching the player the value of looking at a problem from different perspectives. Playtests conclude that in order to affect the player, the game should be catered to the player’s skill in interpreting games, and interpretable design can be used to affect how influenced the player is by the game. / Spel som ett medium håller på att förändras, och med dess ändringar kommer sökandet efter nya teman utanför det som idag ses som acceptabelt inom mediet. I detta arbete använder vi, Michael Levall och Carl Boström, debatt och Sokratisk dialog för att porträttera värdet av olika synvinklar, med livsåskådningar som tema. Under produktionen skapar vi ett spel som syftar till att påverka dess spelare även efter det att han eller hon har spelat klart det, med möjligheten att lära spelaren värdet av att se ett problem från olika vinklar. Speltester visar att för att påverka spelaren bör spelet möta spelarens skicklighet att tolka spel, och hur tolkningsbar design kan användas för att påverka hur påverkad spelaren blir av spelet. / Detta är en reflektionsdel till en digital medieproduktion.

In all types of debates - regardless of topic - research findings, investigations, evaluations and media reports regarding aid will find one prominent question, namely whether there is any clear connection between aid and economic growth in countries that have received high amounts of foreign aid. One argument has been that the connection between a high amount of foreign aid and economic growth is none existing. However, this assumption has been questioned by reports that claims the opposite: that aid, with the right conditions, could have a positive effect on a country’s economic growth. This study makes an effort to examining the effects of foreign aid in Bolivia by looking at the country’s development process in terms of economic growth. Questions like - who were the main donors that contributed with foreign aid in Bolivia? In what way were this foreign aid applied? How do development agencies asses the macro economic impact of aid? - will be discussed and answered throughout the thesis. The findings of the study demonstrate the complexity of measuring development within a certain case. It depends on what one chose to include in the term as well as which area is being investigated. Furthermore, the results seems to vary between the different programs evaluated that has been shaped and implemented by foreign donors. However, drawing from the findings presented in this study, the result indicates that foreign aid in general has had a positive effect on Bolivia’s economic growth.

1.1 billion people are today living without sustainable access to improved water. The debate over the water sector has been dominated by the discussion over whether public or private actors are the most competent to manage it. In this paper the arguments pro and contra the two positions are presented to try to overview the debate and to try to find new ways to approach the question of the people living without clean water. By examining possible alternatives towards the discussion of public and private actors, it might result in some new approaches on how to move closer towards a solution. One alternative is local, small- scale projects which focus on the situation of the targetgroup in most need. I have in this paper tried to find signs of that the debate is changing in a way that would bring positive outcomes for the people living without access to improved water. The debate is changing, both the private as well as the public sector is changing their ways of working and the alternative approach is increasing its influence. Hopefully the debate can move away from the discussion of ideology and acknowledge the strengths of each other to result in possible solutions of the water problems. With the increasing interest and concern for the question of water there is thus an opportunity for a change in the debate that would benefit the ones living without sustainable access to improved water.

The main objective with this Master’s thesis is to, through a critical discourse analysis, explore the overall discourses on e-books appearing in general Swedish media. The texts chosen for analysis consist of articles and debate entries published in four of Sweden’s largest newspapers during a five-year period. The texts were examined using Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional conception of discourse, which means that language use as communicative events were analyzed on the three levels of text, discourse practice, and social practice. The results from the analysis show that three dominating discourses can be identified in the material; the comparison discourse, the financial discourse, and the availability discourse. Within the comparison discourse, the e-book is in many ways positioned in comparison to the paper book. This occurs in several contexts, for instance in the contexts of pricing, access, and e-lending. A recurrent issue within the financial discourse is conveyed as the concern that e-book lending will become too big of a threat towards e-book sales or that e-lending will become too expensive for libraries. Within the availability discourse, the e-book is constructed in connection to democracy and free access to e-books is viewed as a condition for libraries as democratic institutions. The different discourses use different strategies to legitimize their point of views, and accordingly, achieve or maintain a hegemonic status. To achieve hegemony in this situation means gaining power over the presentation of the discussion about e-books, that is the power over the order of discourse.

Ce projet étudie la réalisation d’un marché d’énergie éolienne en France. Les marchés d'énergie éolienne sont souvent désignés comme des «marchés politiques» : D'une part, l'énergie éolienne réduit les émissions de CO2 et retarde les effets de la production d'électricité sur le changement climatique. D'autre part, comme bien économique, l'énergie éolienne se dit souffrir «d’handicaps» technico-économiques (les coûts élevés, la production fluctuante et imprévisible, etc.). Par conséquent, en raison de sa performance comme bien économique, il est argumenté que la survie de l'énergie éolienne dans le marché est fondée sur différents instruments, dont certains que je qualifierai de «prothèses». Cette thèse s’interroge sur deux de ces prothèses : Le tarif d’achat et les Zones de Développement Eolien (ZDE) comme ils sont négociés et mis en pratique en France, ainsi que la manière dont ils affectent la réalisation des marchés de l'énergie. / This project studies the making of a market for wind power in France. Markets for wind power are often referred to as ‘political markets: On the one hand, wind power has the potential to reduce CO2-emissions and thus stall the effects of electricity generation on climate change; and on the other hand, as an economic good, wind power is said to suffer from (techno-economic) ‘disabilities', such as high costs, fluctuating and unpredictable generation, etc. Therefore, because of its performance as a good, it is argued that the survival of wind power in the market is premised on different instruments, some of which I will refer to as ‘prosthetic devices'. This thesis inquires into two such prosthetic devices: The feed-in tariff and the wind power development zones (ZDE) as they are negotiated and practiced in France, and also the ways in which they affect the making of markets for wind power. Theoretically, this dissertation mobilizes a constructivist approach according to which markets are seen as socio-technical assemblages, stressing the heterogeneous and distributed character of their constituent elements. Furthermore, the approach allows questioning the deadlocked delineation between politics and economics, a delineation that appears to underlie the idea of the political market. Based on fieldwork in France, the core of this thesis is made up of two analyses; firstly, the definition of a feed-in tariff is empirically followed as a process of valuation in which value is seen as the outcome of irregular and costly activities, rather than the identification of an inherent value.To study how value, here in the form of a price, comes about in the case of wind power, five different empirical traces are followed with each one representing a distinct approach to valuation. These valuation proposals involve qualifying and disqualifying wind power, e.g., from CO2-reducing to CO2-emitting, and they span a range of controversies. The second analysis addresses the ZDE-device. It follows the device along two phases; namely, its conception and its emerging practice in a specific case, the territory of Pays de la Serre. The first phase is discussed as a politicization of wind power, a distinct framing of location in which the possibility for local opposition is enforced. The second phase, i.e. the practice of the device in Pays de la Serre, is better described as an economization of the landscape, a process of translating the territory according to one-dimensional layers. In their final presentation, these layers are accumulated and black-boxed, and the criteria for their construction disappear.

The specific aim of this dissertation is to formulate and examine the discursive constructions of “the good teacher” in a specific discursive practice in the media arena. The broader aim is to participate in a discussion about the relationship between the media and education, including education policy. The discursive practice that is studied is the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter. The material underlying the study consists of articles published on the editorial and comment pages of the paper during the 1990s, a decade when the Swedish education system underwent some major changes. In the first part of the empirical study, the articles included are categorised, first according to the debates constituted and then according to five themes related to the position of the teacher. The second part of the empirical study focuses on education as it is constructed in the discursive practice examined, progressing step by step towards achieving the specific aim of the study. The findings here include the following: a situation for education is established which involves a clear distinction between two different ways of perceiving education; a space of possibility for schooling is opened which excludes certain issues; a preferred school is formed in which priority is given to subject knowledge and order; distinct subject positions are offered to different figures in education, including teachers who are given an authoritative voice and educational researchers who are not; and finally the “good teacher” constructed is an expert who bears and transmits subject knowledge and a proponent of traditional values who manages to individualise teaching. It is also found in the study that a conservative discourse serves to provide an illness for a remedy that is put forward by a neo-liberal discourse, and that media logic is at work in the framing of educational issues in the practice studied.

L’enfance est l’âge des prémices intellectuelles et existentielles, mais l’appartenance à ce stade du développement ne doit pas signer l’incapacité philosophique des enfants, qui manifestent des tendances philosophiques spontanées par leur faculté d’étonnement, leur quête de sens et leurs intuitions sur le monde. Cette affinité naturelle de l’enfance au monde conceptuel ferait de la philosophie le lieu idéal pour instituer une éducation de la pensée. Ainsi, le mouvement pédagogique de la philosophie pour enfants défend, depuis une quarantaine d’années, la nécessité d’une formation de l’esprit critique, réflexif et dialectique. En vue de réinventer une méthode pédagogique conforme à l’esprit enfantin, elle a surgi sous la forme d’une pratique de la discussion collective, centrée sur l’échange des idées, l’exercice des habiletés intellectuelles et la construction d’une réflexion conceptuelle, argumentée et problématique sur un enjeu universel de la condition humaine. Dans ce cadre (et dans celui de notre étude), les philosophes pour enfants défendent de toutes parts le développement de l’ouverture d’esprit, en un double sens : comme développement des capacités rationnelles et comme éclosion des capacités dialogiques de compréhension intersubjective. La discussion philosophique permettrait à l’enfant de s’ouvrir l’esprit, grâce à la dynamique d’exploration des idées, problématiques, arguments et à l’apprentissage de la disponibilité à la pensée nouvelle, à la pensée d’autrui, à la pensée pluraliste. Il convient donc de se demander si la philosophie pour enfants peut être conçue comme une pratique intellectuelle et éthique de l’ouverture d’esprit. / Childhood is the age of an awakening of intellectual and existential capacities, but this developmental stage is not indicative of a philosophical inability of children, who may display spontaneous philosophical tendencies through their faculty for surprise, their quest for meaning and their intuitions about the world. This natural affinity of children for the conceptual world makes philosophy the ideal medium to introduce education in thinking. Thus, for the past forty years or so, the philosophy for children movement has defended the need to train critical, reflexive and dialectic minds. In order to reinvent a pedagogic method best suited to a child's mindset, this training has developed in the form of collective debate centred on the exchange of ideas, the exercise of intellectual capacities and the construction of conceptual thinking, argued and problematized around the universal challenges of the human condition. In this context (and that of our study), philosophers for children are strongly in favour of defending an openness of mind, from two standpoints: as the development of rational abilities and as the first steps towards a capacity for intersubjective understanding. Philosophical discussion allows children to open their minds, thanks to the dynamic of exploring ideas, issues and arguments and learning about the availability of new, external and pluralistic thoughts. The question is therefore whether philosophy for children could be conceived as an intellectual and ethical practice to achieve open-mindedness.

西藏因青藏高原的地理環境和不利漢人居住往來的氣候，所以在中國歷代並沒有和西藏有官方性質的接觸，直到松贊幹布統一吐蕃開啟和唐朝政治、文化交流。在清朝時在西藏設立駐藏大臣，並頒布「欽定藏內善後章程」二十九條，明確規定中央和西藏地方關係。但至中華民國成立初期政局紛亂，中斷中央對西藏的治理。 國民黨在國共內戰挫敗，並撤退至台灣。1949年中共政權在北京成立，「昌都之戰」後中共開始治理西藏，並成立西藏自治區。但因西藏的宗教、文化的不同而產生隔閡和衝突。2006年青藏鐵路興建完成後，改變中共對西藏的治理。達賴喇嘛之前曾一度肯定青藏鐵路對西藏的開發將是有目共睹，但之後又改稱，青藏鐵路不利於西藏。青藏鐵路究竟是一把北京政府直插西藏的利刃，還是一條改善西藏人民生活的「幸福線」？就如同達賴前後兩種看法般眾說紛雲。 但是青藏鐵路的興建對西藏的影響是不可否認的，本論文將以政治影響、社會變遷、經濟發展三方面來探討。 / Tibet is a region on the Qingzang Plateau that inclement and precipitous surrounding. Official communication of Tibet with ancient China started from Tang dynasty. In period of Qing dynasty, the emperor set up Ambans to Tibet, and issued a 29-point decree which appeared to tighten Qing control over Tibet. The rule is interrupted during the period of Republic of China. And Dalai Lama ruled Tibet without Chinese interference. The People's Republic of China was established and governed Tibet after Battle of Chamdo. There are many conflicts between Han and Tibetan due to difference culture and religion. Furthermore, China government decided the construction of Qinghai-Tibet Railway. The railway is very meaningful and influenced on Tibet. This essay will be discussed and investigated the impact in the three terms of politics, society, and economic.

Les politiques de préservation de la biodiversité (Grenelle 1 et 2, trames vertes et bleues) et les politiques de gestion de l'eau et des milieux aquatiques (Directive cadre européenne sur l'eau, LEMA) enjoignent les collectivités de protéger et restaurer des corridors écologiques. Cependant, dans le cas de rivières fortement modifiées, comme c'est le cas des rivières périurbaines d'Ile-de-France, cette mesure fait l'objet de controverses quant à la faisabilité hydraulique des restaurations (risques d'assecs et d'inondations) et à leur intérêt en termes de qualité de l'eau. Les différents acteurs en charge de la gestion de ces rivières, mais également les scientifiques travaillant sur ces rivières (écologues, hydrologues, géographes,…) ne parviennent pas à construire une expertise partagée pour définir les conséquences, bénéfiques ou négatives, de cette restauration écologique.Nous avons fait l'hypothèse que les controverses autour de l'idée de restauration des cours d'eau, étaient en grande partie structurées par la mobilisation de différents types de connaissances et de représentations pour gérer ces cours d'eau. Il nous a dès lors semblé intéressant de mener, dans deux cas de figure très différents, deux démarches de concertation dans le but de favoriser une confrontation de ces expertises et représentations. Nous avons ensuite observé les effets produits par ces dispositifs sur la construction d'une expertise locale permettant une action collective en vue d'une restauration des continuités. Dans un cas, nous avons mené une démarche de « modélisation d'accompagnement » sur la rivière du Grand Morin, pour discuter de la restauration de la continuité longitudinale, en mêlant les expertises de chercheurs, d'élus, de représentants de l'Etat et de représentants d'usagers. Dans un second cas, nous avons mené une démarche de « jury citoyen » sur la vallée de l'Orge, visant à débattre de la restauration de la continuité latérale (trames vertes et bleues) avec des gestionnaires (syndicats, techniciens,…), des élus, des représentants d'associations et des citoyens. Ces arènes de concertation étaient des lieux privilégiés pour observer les échanges et les possibilités de co-construire des connaissances. Elles nous ont aussi permis d'étudier la mise en œuvre de la continuité écologique au niveau local en zone périurbaine, et d'étudier comment cette politique publique pouvait devenir l'objet d'une action collective entre tous les acteurs concernés. Nous avons choisi d'explorer les débats et les échanges entre les participants d'une manière dynamique, du point de vue des acteurs qui y participent, afin de voir comment se forge une action collective. Nous réalisons une comparaison entre les positions des participants avant et après les démarches de concertation. L'hybridation de savoirs permise par ces procédures produit des apprentissages chez les participants. Elle permet d'expliciter les valeurs et représentations qui sont derrière les connaissances de chacun. Ces démarches facilitent la construction d'une représentation commune du système. Elles permettent de débattre des incertitudes, de montrer ce qu'on ne sait pas, et donc de (re)poser des choix politiques face aux lacunes de connaissances techniques. Elles permettent d'approfondir la définition de la continuité écologique, et d'alterner des moments de politisation et dépolitisation de cet objet technique. Bien que ces procédures ne changent pas fondamentalement le cours de la décision publique, elles permettent un recadrage de la question, une forme de légitimation et d'appropriation de la continuité écologique. Elles permettent de construire une certaine confiance entre les participants, en changeant le collectif et la dynamique des débats. En ce sens on peut dire qu'elles facilitent l'action collective, en transformant un objet technique en objet socio-technique / Biodiversity preservation and water management policies (WFD, Grenelle 1 and 2) require local stakeholders to restore ecological corridors and natural functions of rivers and aquatic environments. Implementing this measure on semi-artificial rivers in the Ile-de-France region can be an issue. In this context, river managers use dams to regulate the water level and to prevent floods. Therefore, they are reluctant to remove them. We made the assumption that those controversies about ecological continuity were mostly due to the diversity of expertise and representation of nature management. Therefore, we conducted two participative procedures to discuss those types of expertise and representations, on two different rivers in the Ile-de-France region: the Morin River and the Orge River. We studied the effects of those procedures and their ability to create collective action in order to restore continuities. On the Morin River, a companion modeling process was conducted to debate about longitudinal ecological continuity, associating scientists, elected representatives and user representatives (kayakers, fishermen). Using a model, participants shared their knowledge and representations of the river, to build a compromise between different management options. On the Orge River, a citizen jury was conducted to debate about green and blue corridors, involving elected representatives, river managers and citizens. We observed and analyzed debates and knowledge sharing during those procedures. We studied how ecological continuity could be implemented in suburban areas and how it could become a collective action involving all stakeholders. We compared participants' positions before and after the debates. Sharing expertise through those procedures led the participants to learn about the river, its functioning and about others. It helped elucidating values and representation of each participant, facilitating the common understanding of their position. A common representation of the system was built and uncertainties were debated. Therefore, the technical subject of ecological continuity became more explicit and more political. Those procedures didn't have a direct impact on political and management decisions. However, they facilitated the appropriation and legitimation of the concept of ecological continuity. We observed more trust between participants and the collective dynamics of discussions was improved. Therefore, to a certain extent, these procedures changed a technical concept for a socio-technical object, and turned this public policy into a collective action