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Le paysage médiatique arabe a connu un accroissement spectaculaire au cours de ces dernières décennies, notamment avec la création des grandes chaînes satellitaires comme Al-Jazeera, Al-Arabiya et MBC… et plus tard avec l’arrivée des chaînes occidentales arabophones à destination des publics arabes comme la BBC, France 24 et DW-TV Arabia. Les chaînes arabophones à destination du monde arabe constituent un phénomène médiatique pouvant servir des objectifs idéologiques, une diplomatie de séduction et des vecteurs d’influence pour atteindre des buts politiques et économiques. L’étude porte sur une de ces chaînes satellitaires, la DW-TV Arabia, et sur le rôle qu’elle joue pour le rayonnement de la culture et la position politique allemande, mais aussi pour promouvoir les valeurs et les pratiques démocratiques de la République fédérale. L’objet de cette recherche est de définir ses objectifs de création, sa ligne éditoriale dans la mesure où elle garantit la crédibilité, l’intégrité professionnelle, et son aptitude à forger un discours médiatique indépendant. Il convient par ailleurs de la situer dans le champ médiatique arabe mais aussi de montrer son rôle stratégique pour maintenir les intérêts économiques allemands dans le monde arabe. / The media landscape has known in the twentieth last years a spectacular increase, especially after the creation of satellite's channels with international vocation like Aljazeera, Al-Arabiya and MBC. Lately, the creation of occidental arabophones channels, like BBC, France 24 and DW-TV Arabia, comes to add a new dimension to the media field. The occidental arabophones channels that target Arab World can be considered as a phenomenon in the media field. They can be used to serving ideological objectives, to improve diplomatic relationships, and to make gains in politics and economics domains. This research is focalized in one of these channels; the DW-TV Arabia, this German channel in destination to the Arab World created in 2002. His role as a tool in the proliferation of Germany cultural and politics principles of the federal republic of Germany, to the Arab World, is one of the principals axes treated in this work. Therefore, the motifs of the creation of DW-TV Arabia occupy an important part of this study. The principal aspects who characterized the editorial line of this channel is based on the objectivity, credibility and independence; however, he play a strategic role in improving the economic interests of Germany in the Arab World countries.

This thesis contributes to the burgeoning field of the history of sexuality in New Zealand and seeks to distill the more theorised and reflexive understanding of the subjectively understood queer male identity since 1948. Emerging from the disciplines of History and English, this project draws from a range of narratological materials: parliamentary debates contained in Hansard, and novels and short stories written by men with publicly avowed queer identities. This thesis explores how both 'normative' identity and the category of 'the homosexual' were constructed and mobilised in the public domain, in this case, the House of Representatives. It shows that members of the House have engaged with an extensive tradition of defining and excluding; a process by which state and public discourses have constructed largely unified, negative and othering narratives of 'the homosexual'. This constitutes an overarching narrative of queer experience which, until the mid-1990s, excluded queer subjects from its construction. At the same time, fictional narratives offer an adjacent body of knowledge and thought for queer men and women. This thesis posits literature's position as an important and productive space for queer resistance and critique. Such texts typically engage with and subvert 'dominant' or 'normative' understandings of sexuality and disturb efforts to apprehend precise or linear histories of 'gay liberation' and 'gay consciousness'. Drawing from the works of Frank Sargeson, James Courage, Bill Pearson, Noel Virtue, Stevan Eldred-Grigg, and Peter Wells, this thesis argues for a revaluing of fictional narratives as active texts from which historians can construct a matrix of cultural experience, while allowing for, and explaining, the determining role such narratives play in the discursively constructed understandings of gender and sexuality in New Zealand.

<p>This thesis analyses how 'public opinion' was conceptualised by Members of the Swedish Parliament (MPs) between 1848 and 1919. The source material consists of the printed minutes from parliamentary debates where issues such as religious freedom, constitutional reform and reform of the Press were discussed. What happened to the ideal of an enlightened public opinion when the development of a large-scale industrial economy changed the nature of the Press? </p><p>Two main aspects of public opinion are analysed. Firstly, the question of what MPs considered the most reliable source of public opinion is examined. The legitimacy of manifestations claiming to represent public opinion, such as written petitions, the Press, Parliament itself, quantitative estimations and also the silent opinion was discussed. In the 1910s the voices of women were also included by some MPs when assessing public opinion.</p><p>The second main aspect is how MPs envisioned the relationship between the reliability of public opinion and the conditions for public discourse. Here an important distinction was made between public opinion formed in a free and unhindered debate and that brought about by persuasion.</p><p>The study shows that public opinion was a contested concept in the Swedish Parliament. In the 1850s, Conservatives gave the religiously conservative nature of public opinion as a reason to postpone the reform of religious laws. In debating constitutional reform, on the other hand, it was the Liberals who argued that decisions should follow public opinion. In the 1910s, the Left was divided over the relationship between public opinion and the State, with some arguing that the State should intervene in the public debate to offset the negative influence of market mechanisms. Others felt that public opinion rather than legislation should set the limits of the public discourse, especially in the case of religion, but also concerning the Press.</p>

This thesis analyses how 'public opinion' was conceptualised by Members of the Swedish Parliament (MPs) between 1848 and 1919. The source material consists of the printed minutes from parliamentary debates where issues such as religious freedom, constitutional reform and reform of the Press were discussed. What happened to the ideal of an enlightened public opinion when the development of a large-scale industrial economy changed the nature of the Press? Two main aspects of public opinion are analysed. Firstly, the question of what MPs considered the most reliable source of public opinion is examined. The legitimacy of manifestations claiming to represent public opinion, such as written petitions, the Press, Parliament itself, quantitative estimations and also the silent opinion was discussed. In the 1910s the voices of women were also included by some MPs when assessing public opinion. The second main aspect is how MPs envisioned the relationship between the reliability of public opinion and the conditions for public discourse. Here an important distinction was made between public opinion formed in a free and unhindered debate and that brought about by persuasion. The study shows that public opinion was a contested concept in the Swedish Parliament. In the 1850s, Conservatives gave the religiously conservative nature of public opinion as a reason to postpone the reform of religious laws. In debating constitutional reform, on the other hand, it was the Liberals who argued that decisions should follow public opinion. In the 1910s, the Left was divided over the relationship between public opinion and the State, with some arguing that the State should intervene in the public debate to offset the negative influence of market mechanisms. Others felt that public opinion rather than legislation should set the limits of the public discourse, especially in the case of religion, but also concerning the Press.

No description available.

Submitted by Biblioteca de Adminsitração (bibadm@ufba.br) on 2017-06-12T12:23:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PATRICIA DE SENNA BRITTO.pdf: 1360978 bytes, checksum: c703e1dd00a137c03ab2c6f419ce3545 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Angela Dortas (dortas@ufba.br) on 2017-06-13T16:44:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PATRICIA DE SENNA BRITTO.pdf: 1360978 bytes, checksum: c703e1dd00a137c03ab2c6f419ce3545 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-13T16:44:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PATRICIA DE SENNA BRITTO.pdf: 1360978 bytes, checksum: c703e1dd00a137c03ab2c6f419ce3545 (MD5) / ABSTRACT The public housing policy in Brazil, although some advances occurred in the offer of socialinterest housing through the program (“My House My Life”), continues to reproduce the model of production of new urban territories that do not provide goods and services for collective consumption, which depend on the application of the instruments of urban planning in order to guarantee access to the city, in addition to other sectorial public policies. The social movements for housing, that spent decades fighting for access to a house, are nowadays faced with the challenge to fight for adequate living conditions that include education, health, transport, social assistance, access to work and income, commerce and other services. This study analyses the experience of the Forum of After- Occupation of the Program of the Metropolitan Region of Salvador, that arose from the popular pressures in the State Council of the Cities - Bahia, as a space for a dialogue between the civil society, represented by these movements and segments of the public power in which the Caixa Econômica Federal (Federal Savings Bank) acts as articulator and coordinator. From a reflection on the conditions of the capitalist system and its advances by means of a neoliberal project for the country executed in the nineties, followed by a democratizing project that did not, however, break with the logic of the capital, submitting the public policies to this dependence, we systematize and analyse the strategies of operation and performance adopted by the Forum, discussing its contributions to the exercise of social control over the actions of the state. The methodology used was autoethnography mainly as a consequence of the immersion of the researcher in the study, in the role of coordinator. The analyses carried out display the limits, dilemmas and potentialities of this space, contributing, in a practical way, to its planning and improvement, and also turning it into a possible inspiration for other initiatives of this nature. / A política pública de habitação no Brasil, apesar de alguns avanços na oferta de habitação de interesse social por intermédio do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida, continua a reproduzir o modelo de produção de novos territórios urbanos, que não dispõem dos bens e serviços de consumo coletivo, condição que depende da aplicação dos instrumentos de planejamento urbano voltados para a garantia do acesso à cidade, além da articulação de outras políticas públicas setoriais. Os movimentos sociais por moradia, que passaram décadas lutando pelo acesso à casa, hoje se deparam com o desafio de lutar pelas condições adequadas do morar, que incluem educação, saúde, transporte, assistência social, acesso a trabalho e renda, comércio e demais serviços. Esse estudo analisa a experiência do Fórum de Pós-Ocupação do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida da Região Metropolitana de Salvador, que emerge das pressões populares no Conselho Estadual das Cidades – Bahia, como um espaço de diálogo entre a sociedade civil, representada por esses movimentos, e segmentos do poder público, tendo a Caixa Econômica Federal no papel de articuladora e coordenadora. A partir da reflexão sobre as condições do sistema capitalista e seus avanços por meio de um projeto neoliberal para o país, nos anos de 1990, seguido de um projeto democratizante que, no entanto, não rompe com a lógica do capital, submetendo as políticas públicas a esta dependência, sistematizamos e analisamos as estratégias de funcionamento e atuação adotadas pelo Fórum, discutindo sobre suas contribuições no exercício do controle social das ações do estado. A metodologia utilizada foi a autoetnografia, em virtude, principalmente, da imersão da pesquisadora na prática em estudo, exercendo as atribuições de coordenação. As análises efetuadas expõem os limites, dilemas e potencialidades desse espaço, contribuindo, de maneira prática, com seu planejamento e aprimoramento, tornando-a também uma possibilidade de inspiração para outras iniciativas dessa natureza.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the medially conveyed open-door refugee policy approach of the German government, in light of the recent refugee crisis in Europe. To gain an understanding of the reasons for this policy approach, a thematic content analysis is carried out, identifying and extracting themes, as portrayed in the national, international media, and political debates in the German Bundestag. These themes are then used in a comparison with actual refugee polices and further analysed from a constructivist and a structural realist perspective so as to investigate underlying motivations behind them.Fifteen themes and reasons were identified, with the three most frequently occurring themes, Capacity and Capability, Humanitarian Responsibility, and Demography and Economy, making up about half of the number of themes found. The analysis also showed that both constructivist concepts – such as identity – as well as structural realist notions – for example national interests and capabilities – were largely contributing factors with regards to guiding, shaping and deciding on Germany’s refugee policies. Germany’s intake of about one million refugees was – in the context of identity – an acceptable decision, following its normative, national, moral, historical and humanitarian standards; and the perceived benefits of the policy provide strong arguments in regards to the country’s capabilities and national interests.The thesis concludes that because Germany’s highly internal-moral-driven identity aligned well with its capabilities and national interests, Germany was able to continuously pursue its “open-doors” refugee policy despite resistance from a vocal opposition.

Orientador: Iara Lis Franco Schiavinatto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T04:47:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carula_Karoline_M.pdf: 906380 bytes, checksum: 2a50ece5eb42d46e0194249f958b9bf2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa as Conferências Populares da Glória, enfatizando o debate gerado na imprensa com as suas preleções que tiveram o darwinismo como tema, entre os anos de 1873 e 1880. As Conferências da Glória tiveram início em 1873, e tinham como meta divulgar um conhecimento científico entre a camada letrada da cidade do Rio de Janeiro. A temática abordada durante estes encontros estava centrada em assuntos culturais e científicos, destes enfoco o darwinismo, pois foi o que maior celeuma provocou na imprensa, com favoráveis e contrários à nova teoria. Além disso, procuro compreender como as discussões e polêmicas geradas como resultado destas conferências serviram para preparar um determinado público, em 1881, para ler o romance O mulato, de Aluísio Azevedo, e identificar as referências darwinistas existentes nele / Abstract: This dissertation analyses the Popular Conferences of Gloria [Conferências Populares da Glória], emphasizing the debate produced in the press about their speeches that had the Darwinism as subject, between 1873 and 1880. The Conferences had begun in 1873, and had the purpose to publicize a scientific knowledge among the erudite groups of Rio de Janeiro. The approached theme during these meetings was centered on cultural and scientific matters, and among these I emphasize the Darwinism, because it was the subject that caused great controversy on the press between who was adept and who was adverse of this theory. Moreover, I intend to understand how the discussions and controversies produced as results of these conferences served to prepare a specific audience to read, in 1881, the novel called O Mulato, written by Aluisio Azevedo, and to identify his Darwinists references on it / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestre em História

La période comprise entre 1917 et 1937 marque le début de la littérature chinoise moderne. La littérature française a participé à la construction de cette nouvelle littérature, dont la modernité réside dans la négation des valeurs littéraires et sociales chinoises classiques, dans l’ouverture aux littératures étrangères et dans l’appel au respect de l’individualité. Des écrivains chinois novateurs contestent la nécessité de la société et mettent en avant la vie intérieure dans la littérature. Ils trouvent une signification à la vie dans l’amour et dans la beauté, chacun interprétant ces notions à sa manière. Cette époque est aussi celle, en Chine, de débats littéraires. Aux écrivains individualistes s’opposent des écrivains passéistes et des écrivains engagés à gauche. La confrontation entre différentes conceptions littéraires se reflète dans la réception de la littérature française. Dans les revues littéraires chinoises, des idées opposées sont formulées à propos de Ronsard, de Montaigne et de Malherbe. Des controverses agitent les milieux littéraires autour de Molière, de Rousseau ou de Baudelaire. Les divergences sur la compréhension de la littérature française résultent du fait que les critiques et les traducteurs chinois perçoivent de manière différente la relation entre l’homme et le temps, et la relation entre l’homme et la société. L’interprétation de la littérature française par les écrivains chinois s’appuie sur des réflexions sur l’homme et sur sa situation existentielle. / The period between 1917 and 1937 marks the beginning of modern Chinese literature. French literature has contributed to the construction of Chinese new literature, the modernity of which resides in the denial of traditional Chinese literary and social values, in the opening to foreign literatures, and in the call for respect of the individuality. Chinese writers with pioneering spirit contest the necessity of the society and highlight the internal life in literature. They all consider the pursuit of love and beauty as the signification of the life. However, they interpret those notions of love and beauty in different ways. This period in China is full of literary debates. Individualistic writers are opposed to backward-looking writers and left-wing writers. The confrontation between different literary conceptions is reflected in the reception of French literature in China. In Chinese literary magazines, opposed ideas are formulated on Ronsard, on Montaigne and on Malherbe. Debates concerning Molière, Rousseau and Baudelaire arose in literary circles. The difference of opinions on French literature results from the fact that Chinese critics and translators understand in different ways the relationship between mankind, the time and the society. The interpretation of French literature by Chinese writers is based on reflection on human beings and on their existential situation.