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Même si la coopération policière transnationale est l’objet ces dernières années d’un engouement souvent attribué à des vertus d’efficacité, il reste que relativement peu d’informations sont disponibles sur le processus en lui-même. L’objectif général de la thèse était de fournir une analyse englobant à la fois les préoccupations des autorités politiques et celles des acteurs judiciaires et policiers. Ces acteurs occupent tous des rôles nécessaires dans le système de la coopération policière transnationale, mais outre cette constatation, les études à leur sujet ne se recoupent pas véritablement. C’est donc dire que, d’une part, les études sur les acteurs politiques se concentrent sur les décisions prises par ceux-ci, sur l’élaboration de concepts et sur la signature de conventions. D’autre part, les études sur les acteurs policiers et judiciaires mettent l’accent sur le déroulement quotidien des activités policières transnationales et sur ce qui s’ensuit, c’est-à-dire les procédures judiciaires. À l’aide de concepts tels que la discrétion et la souplesse, la familiarité, la confiance, la méfiance, le scepticisme et l’évitement, nous tentons de rallier les récents concepts de reconnaissance mutuelle et de confiance mutuelle avec ce qui se passe effectivement dans le monde opérationnel. La thèse, qui s’intéresse principalement à la coopération policière transnationale en matière de trafic de drogues, s’appuie sur deux types de données. Tout d’abord, des entrevues qualitatives semi-dirigées ont été menées auprès de 21 policiers et procureurs. Ensuite, une analyse documentaire a été effectuée sur des documents canadiens, soit les sept jurisprudences sur l’extranéité et un guide rédigé par un procureur à l’intention des enquêteurs œuvrant dans les enquêtes. Nous allons présenter rapidement les résultats les plus importants de la thèse. Dans le premier chapitre, il a été question de deux niveaux de structures de pouvoir, qui n’évoluent pas en vases clos, mais qui s’influencent mutuellement. C’est dire que le levier d’influence des acteurs étatiques sur les acteurs du policing transnational peut être relativement puissant, mais que des parades peuvent toujours être utilisées par les policiers dans des cas spécifiques. Nadelmann (1993) avait raison lorsqu’il a soutenu qu’une norme adoptée au niveau transnational n’est pas nécessairement utile à la réalisation des objectifs communs des États, c’est-à-dire l’immobilisation des criminels. La norme est le produit d’une négociation politique et d’un jeu de pouvoir. Au final, elle n’influe pas énormément sur les décisions prises par les policiers dans les enquêtes à composantes transnationales. Au mieux, elle est un guide de règles à ne pas violer ouvertement et impunément. De plus, alors que les pays et les organisations utilisent un système de récompense, d’incitatifs ou de menace de sanctions pour favoriser la coopération policière transnationale en vu d’une participation à une enquête à composantes transnationales, les individus qui travaillent dans les enquêtes à composantes transnationales utilisent la familiarité et valorisent la confiance comme moyen pour établir et maintenir des liens. Ces individus ne peuvent pas s’obliger entre eux, alors qu’il existe la possibilité d’imposer des sanctions réelles entre acteurs étatiques. Il s’agit donc de deux niveaux d’analyse, dans lesquelles la configuration des relations est différente. Dans le deuxième chapitre d’analyse, nous avons examiné les jurisprudences canadiennes et le guide d’un procureur à l’intention des policiers, ce qui nous a amené à constater la discrétion laissée par les agents judiciaires aux policiers travaillant au sein d’enquêtes à composantes transnationales. En fait, nous avons trouvé que les agents judiciaires sont conscients des difficultés des enquêtes à composantes transnationales et qu’ils sont plus flexibles dans ces cas que dans les enquêtes nationales. Le troisième chapitre d’analyse a montré que de nombreux moyens sont à la disposition des agents de l’enquête, et qu’une certaine logique sous-tendait les choix des policiers. Plus particulièrement, c’est la gestion des incertitudes, la nature de l’information et son utilisation envisagée qui importe pour les agents de l’enquête à composantes transnationale. Finalement, le dernier chapitre d’analyse illustre les différents types de relations entretenues entre agents de l’enquête. Nous avons trouvé que le scepticisme est prépondérant mais que la coopération demeure le plus souvent possible, lorsque les acteurs ont des intérêts en commun. Une certaine familiarité entre les acteurs est nécessaire, mais la confiance n’est pas toujours essentielle à la mise en œuvre des activités policières transnationales. En fait, cela dépend du niveau d’échanges nécessaires et du contexte. Gambetta (1988) avait d’ailleurs montré qu’une structure sociale relativement stable puisse se maintenir dans un contexte généralisé de méfiance. / In recent years, transnational police cooperation has been the subject of much attention, often with a prioritization on efficiency. However, relatively little information is available on the process itself. The main objective of the thesis is to formulate an analytical framework that integrates the concerns of political authorities and those of judicial and law-enforcement actors. Past research has illustrated that such actors are all pivotal in the transnational police cooperation system. Yet, in spite of such findings, researchers have generally approached this setting without placing the consistent overlap and interactions between such actors at the forefront. This has left us with a separate set of studies on political actors and the decisions taken by them in regard to the development of concepts and the signing of agreements and studies on police and judicial actors that are more concerned with the daily conduct of transnational policing and what follows (i.e., court proceedings). Using concepts and terms such as discretion, flexibility, familiarity, (dis)trust, scepticism, and avoidance, this thesis proposes an integrative framework designed to rally more recent concepts of mutual recognition and mutual trust with what actually happens in real life police operations. The study focuses primarily on transnational drug trafficking cases within the Canadian context and is based on two types of data. First, qualitative interviews were conducted with 21 police investigators and prosecutors. Next, a content analysis was performed on seven jurisprudences on transnational cases and a guide written by an attorney for investigators. The most important results of the thesis are presented here. In the first chapter, two power structures that are in constant interaction are revealed. Such interaction illustrates that the lever of influence of state actors on transnational policing actors can be quite powerful, but facades can still be used by police officers in specific cases. This supports Nadelmann (1993), who argued that a standard adopted at the transnational level is not necessarily helpful to achieve the common goal of states, which is to contain and immobilize offenders. The norm is the product of political negotiations and an ongoing power struggle, which, in the end, does not have a strong influence on the decisions taken by the police in transnational investigations. At best, formal agreements between states serve as an impunity guide for police actors on what not to violate openly. Furthermore, as countries and organizations use a system of rewards, incentives or threats of sanctions to promote cooperation in transnational policing, individuals working in transnational investigations uses familiarity and trust as a means to establish and maintain relationships. These individuals cannot bind themselves. On the contrary, there is the possibility to impose real sanctions between state actors. This problem is approached with two levels of analysis that reveal different relational patterns. In the second chapter of analysis, Canadian jurisprudence and a prosecutorial guide that was written for investigators are examined. These documents demonstrate the discretion left by judicial actors on those working in transnational police investigations. In fact, we found that judicial actors are well aware of the difficulties related to transnational investigations. They are more flexible in those cases than in national investigations. The third chapter pursues such discretion and highlights the many paths available to police actors involved in transnational cooperation. In particular, it is the management of uncertainty, the nature of information and its intended use that are important to them. Finally, the last chapter of analysis assesses the different types of relationships maintained between actors in transnational investigations. We found that, while scepticism overrides most relationships, cooperation continues as often as possible, at least when actors have interests in common. A level of familiarity between actors is necessary, but trust is not always essential to achieve transnational policing. In fact, it depends on the requested level of exchanges and in the context and is consistent with previous work by Gambetta (1988), who shows that even in a generalized context of distrust, a relatively stable social structure can maintain itself.

HYAL-1 (hyaluronidase-1) appartient à la famille des hyaluronidases connues pour leur rôle dans la dégradation de l’acide hyaluronique. L’expression de HYAL-1 est élevée dans de nombreux type de cancers, notamment dans le cancer de la prostate, de la vessie, des reins et du sein où il est impliqué dans la croissance tumorale et les métastases. Récemment notre laboratoire a aussi démontré une expression élevée de HYAL-1 dans le cancer épithélial de l’ovaire (CEO) de type mucineux et à cellules claires, expression qui est inversement corrélée à celle du récepteur de l’oestrogène alpha (REα). Cependant, malgré le fait que le rôle de HYAL-1 dans le cancer soit bien établit, le mécanisme de sa régulation reste encore inconnu. Le REα est un facteur de transcription qui suite à sa liaison avec son ligand va réguler l’expression de plusieurs gènes. Le REα ainsi stimulé par l’hormone va activer la transcription de ces gènes cibles mais il est connu maintenant qu’une grande partie des gènes régulés par le REα sont en réalité réprimés par ce récepteur. Dans ce travail nous proposons d’étudier le mécanisme de la régulation du gène HYAL-1 par le REα dans le CEO à cellules claires et dans le cancer du sein. L’expression ectopique du REα dans la lignée TOV21G (RE-) de même que le traitement de la lignée MCF-7 (RE+) avec de l’oestrogène a induit une diminution du niveau d’expression de l’ARN m de HYAL-1. Ces résultats nous ont permis de confirmer que HYAL-1 est un gène cible du REα. Il est aussi connu que le REα peut exercer son action par différents mécanismes d’action, entre autres en interagissant avec une séquence d’ADN appelée élément de réponse à l’oestrogène (ERE), retrouvé sur le promoteur des gènes cibles ou bien indirectement par des interactions protéine-protéine en se liant à d’autres facteur de transcription tels que Sp1. Après avoir identifiés de telles séquences sur le promoteur proximal de HYAL-1, (1 ERE proximal à -900 pb, 3 distaux à -32350 pb, 48430, -50130 pb du site d’initiation de la transcription) en plus des 2 Sp1 connus (-60 et – 1020pb), nous avons démontrés par immunoprécipitation de la chromatine que le REα est recruté sur le promoteur de HYAL-1 au niveau de l’ERE proximal -900 pb et du distal -32350 pb de même que sur le site Sp1 -1020 pb. De plus, l’activité biologique de l’ERE -900 pb et du ii Sp1-1020pb à été confirmée par des essais de gènes rapporteurs à la luciférase. Avec son rôle connu dans la tumorigenèse, l’identification de HYAL-1 comme gène cible du REα pourrait être une avenue intéressante pour le traitement des cancers hormono-indépendants. / HYAL-1 (hyaluronidase-1) belongs to the hyaluronidase family of enzymes that degrade hyaluronic acid. HYAL-1 expression is elevated in many types of cancers including prostate, bladder, liver and breast cancer where it is involved in tumor growth and metastasis. In accordance to these observations, our group has also demonstrated high expression of HYAL-1 in clear cell and mucinous epithelial ovarian cancer (EOC) subtypes which was inversely correlated to that of estrogen receptor alpha (ERα). However, despite the fact that the role of HYAL-1 in cancer is well established, the mechanism of its regulation is still unknown. ERα is a transcriptional factor that regulates target-gene expression following ligand binding. Upon hormone stimulation, activated ERα will upregulate transcription of many target genes. However, it has been recently well documented that a large number of ERα responsive genes are in fact repressed. In this work we propose to study the mechanism by which ERα regulates HYAL-1 expression in clear cell EOC subtype as well as in breast cancer. The ectopic expression of ERα in TOV21G cell line (ERα -) and estrogen treatment of MCF-7 cells (ERα +) decreased HYAL-1 mRNA expression and allowed us to confirm that HYAL-1 is an ERα target gene. It is also known that ERα may exert its action through different mechanisms of action including interacting with a DNA sequence called estrogen response element (ERE) found in the promoter of target genes or indirectly by protein-protein interactions by binding to other transcription factor such as Sp1. Having identified such sequences in the proximal promoter of HYAL-1, (one proximal ERE -900 bp, 3 distals at -32350, -48430, -50130 bp from the start site of transcription) in addition to the two known Sp1 (-60 and -1020pb), we have demonstrated by chromatin immunoprecipitation that ERα is recruited at the HYAL-1 promoter at the ERE sites -900 pb and -32350 pb as well as at the Sp1 site -1020. Furthermore, the biological activity of the proximal ERE -900 and Sp1 -1020 sites were further confirmed by luciferase reporter gene assay. Given its known role in tumorigenesis, identification of HYAL-1 as an ERα target may provide an interesting approach for the treatment of hormono-independent cancer.

Ce mémoire documente l’émergence d’une sous-culture gaie masculine dans la région montréalaise entre 1860 et 1910 et s’intéresse aux discours et à la répression envers les hommes ayant des comportements homosexuels ou d’inversion de genre. Par l’analyse de sources journalistiques, judiciaires et juridiques, il déconstruit une série de préjugés, notamment à l’égard des sources, présumées pauvres; du discours public sur les comportements homosexuels, supposé inexistant; et des hommes qui avaient ces comportements, que plusieurs imaginent invisibles et isolés les uns des autres. Il montre au contraire que des archives variées révèlent une vie « gaie » et le déploiement d’une opinion publique à son égard. Ainsi, l’analyse d’un important corpus d’articles de journaux et une étude de cas portant sur deux des plus anciens clubs homosexuels connus au Québec, démantelés en 1892 et en 1908, confirment l’existence de réseaux de sociabilités « gaies » dans la région montréalaise, dès le XIXe siècle. Ce faisant, il dévoile l’existence de pratiques caractéristiques des sous-cultures gaies telles que l’usage d’un vocabulaire spécifique ou l’adoption de manières efféminées par certains hommes que l’on qualifierait aujourd’hui d’homosexuels. / This essay explores the emergence of a gay male subculture in the Montreal area between 1860 and 1910, and studies social perceptions and repression towards men having “homosexual” and gender inversion behaviours. Analysing journalistic, judicial and legal documents, this thesis deconstructs several prejudices: about primary sources, presumed rare; about public discourse on same-sex acts, presumed nonexistent; about men perpetrating those acts, imagined invisible and isolated from each other. A case study on two of the oldest same-sex clubs presently recognized in Quebec, both dismantled during police operations in 1892 and 1908, combined with the reading of a considerable corpus of press articles, confirms the existence of gay sociability networks in Montreal area, as early as the nineteenth century, as well as the development of a public opinion on the subject of same-sex acts. Thereby, it underlines the existence of practices observed in gay sub-cultures, such as the use of a specific vocabulary or display of effeminate manners, by men who would be called today homosexuals.

La tesi estudia la repressió a la universitat espanyola duta a terme pel règim encapçalat pel general Francisco Franco. Primer s'analitzen els esforços republicans per consolidar la democràcia a partir de l'educació, amb l'oposició de l'Església catòlica i les classes conservadores que veuen perillar el seu control i privilegis. La guerra civil converteix la violència verbal en física i es desencadena una contundent repressió que en el cas del funcionariat -i el professorat particularment es disfressa com a depuració professional. El mèrit acadèmic dóna pas al mèrit polític i s'inicia una purga política contra tot docent sospitós o no prou compromès. A diferència de la depuració republicana defensiva i respectuosa amb la legalitat, la franquista escapça l'escalafó amb contundents i generalitzades sancions -assassinats, cessaments, empresonaments, trasllats, inhabilitacions i jubilacions forçoses . A més, la ciència queda sotmesa a la ideologia nacional-catòlica i les vacants esdevenen botí de guerra pels addictes. / This work studies the repression suffered by the Spanish university during the first years of Franco's dictatorship. First of all, the efforts of the Republican government to consolidate the democracy from the bases of the education are analyzed, together with the opposition exerted by both the Spanish Catholic Church and the conservative class, who feared about the loss of power and privileges. The civil war transforms the oral violence into physical violence and triggers the burst of a fierce repression, which in the particular case of teachers, is dressed-up as a professional depuration. Political merits and a political purge against any suspicious professor -or even against professors that are not enough engaged with the new regimen substitute the excellence in the academic records. Contrary to the republican depuration, which was defensive and respectful with the legacy effective, the Francoist depuration beheads the university roster with general and merciless punishments -murders, dismisses, imprisonments, transfers and forced retirements . Moreover, science starts to be ruled by the national-catholic ideology and the available positions become booty for those who prove to be followers of the new regimen.

La répression catabolique désigne un mode de régulation très répandu chez les bactéries, par lequel les enzymes nécessaires à l'import et la digestion de certaines sources carbonées sont réprimées en présence d'une source carbonée avantageuse, par exemple le glucose dans le cas de la bactérie E. coli. Nous proposons une approche mathématique et expérimentale pour séparer et évaluer l'importance des différents mécanismes de la répression catabolique. En particulier, nous montrons que l'AMP cyclique et l'état physiologique de la cellule jouent tous deux un rôle important dans la régulation de gènes sujets à la ré- pression catabolique. Nous présentons également des travaux méthodologiques réalisés dans le cadre de cette étude et contribuant à l'étude des réseaux de régulation génique en général. En particulier, nous étudions l'applicabilité de l'approximation quasi-stationnaire utilisée pour la réduction de modèles, et présentons des méthodes pour l'estimation robuste de taux de croissance, activité de promoteur, et concentration de protéines à partir de données bruitées provenant d'expériences avec gènes rapporteur. / Carbon Catabolite Repression (CCR) is a wide-spread mode of regulation in bacteria by which the enzymes necessary for the uptake and utilization of some carbon sources are repressed in presence of a preferred carbon source, e.g., glucose in the case of Escherichia coli . We propose a joint mathematical and experimental approach to separate and evaluate the importance of the different components of CCR. In particular, we show that both cyclic AMP and the global physiology of the cell play a major role in the regulation of the cAMP-dependent genes affected by CCR. We also present methodological improvements for the study of gene regulatory networks in general. In partic- ular, we examine the applicability of the Quasi-Steady-State-Approximation to reduce mathematical gene expression models, and provide robust meth- ods for the robust estimation of growth rate, promoter activity, and protein concentration from noisy kinetic reporter experiments.

Dissociation is commonly associated with sexual crimes or other forms of trauma where a person experienced a threat to the existence or survival of the self. During dissociation the ego may split in such a way that ego-states (subselves or segments of the greater personality) form to encapsulate feelings of guilt, pain, fear, and anger. If dissociation is severe, sufferers will have no conscious recollection of the sexual trauma as it is deeply repressed in the subconscious. This may result in symptoms/pathology later in life. Research indicated that hypnosis (due to its dissociative nature) is favourable as treatment modality for pathology/symptomatology associated with trauma and dissociation. This research study investigates the development of ego-states during experiences of sexual trauma and hypnosis (especially Medical Hypno-analysis and Ego-State Therapy) as effective treatment modality within the field of psycho-education. It proposes a hypnotherapy model where the diagnostic tools as indicated by the Medical Hypno-analysis model, are being used to determine the existence of repressed memories related to sexual trauma. The therapeutic processes as indicated by the Ego-State Therapy model, are being used to resolve and work through the core repressed traumatic experiences through the mobilization of associated and related ego-states. This study presents four case studies and discusses their clinical diagnostic procedures and therapeutic processes. The case studies illustrate that certain symptomatology/pathology experienced later in life may be the result of repressed memories and the formation of maladapted ego-states earlier in life when sexual trauma was experienced. Highly charged emotional and negative beliefs were set in the ego-states and could only be disarmed from their destructive content through regressions and hypnotherapy. A detailed discussion of the proposed hypnotherapy model and its application and concerns regarding its application within the field of psycho-education are also presented. The results of this study indicate that the proposed hypnotherapy model (the combination of Medical Hypno-analysis and Ego-State Therapy) can be used effectively and successfully when working with survivors and symptomatology/pathology associated with sexual crimes. / Educational Studies / D. Ed.

O presente estudo analisa as formas como os familiares de pessoas mortas e desaparecidas durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil (1964-1985) se organizaram para reivindicar: 1º) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelas violações aos direitos humanos praticadas em nome do regime autoritário; 2º) a apuração das reais circunstâncias em que estas mortes e desaparecimentos ocorreram; 3º) a responsabilização dos culpados; 4º) o resgate e a preservação da memória relativa a estes fatos. Fortalecida na primeira metade da década de 1970, a luta dos familiares organizados em torno da Comissão de Familiares de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos (CFMDP) estende-se até a atualidade. Canalizadas para os Comitês Brasileiros pela Anistia (CBA’s) que surgiram a partir de 1978, suas demandas foram, entretanto, praticamente desconsideradas no momento em que o Governo Federal aprovou a Lei da Anistia, em agosto de 1979. Com o fim da luta pela Anistia, e, por consequência, com a extinção dos CBA’s, os familiares rearticularam-se, centralizando seus esforços no fortalecimento da CFMDP. Em mais de três décadas de atividades, a CFMDP vem trabalhando de forma insistente junto à sociedade na tentativa de fazer com que os crimes cometidos no período autoritário não sejam esquecidos e buscando ampliar seu apoio com vistas à construção de políticas que atendam suas demandas. O trabalho desenvolvido pela CFMDP neste sentido obteve: a) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes cometidos em nome do regime civil-militar; b) a concessão de indenizações aos familiares das vítimas fatais do aparato repressivo; c) um incremento no tocante à divulgação do tema junto à sociedade. Para aprofundar suas conquistas e formular novas políticas, que, mais efetivas, tratem do tema, a Comissão continua, no entanto, tendo que lidar com legados do autoritarismo que, tais como o bloqueio interpretativo que defende uma anistia recíproca e incentiva a impunidade e o esquecimento dos crimes cometidos pela ditadura, o rol das prerrogativas militares, a política nacional de sigilo ainda vigente e os resquícios culturais da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, seguem limitando visivelmente a obtenção de avanços significativos no que se refere à reparação dos familiares. / This study examines the ways in which relatives of people killed or disappeared during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) were organized to demand: 1) recognition of liability by the Brazilian state for violations of human rights committed in the name of the authoritarian regime; 2) the investigation of actual circumstances of these deaths and disappearances occurred; 3) liability of perpetrators; 4) the rescue and preservation of the memory on these facts. Strengthened in the first half of the 1970s, the struggle of families organized around the Commission of the Families of the Dead and Disappeared Political Activists (CFDDPA) extends until present. Channeled to the Brazilian Committees for Amnesty (BCA’s) that have emerged since 1978, their demands were, however, virtually ignored at the time the Federal Government approved the Amnesty Law in August 1979. With the end of the fight for amnesty, and, consequently, with the extinction of the BCA’s, the families reorganized themselves, centering its efforts on strengthening the CFDDPA. In more than three decades of activity, CFDDPA has been working persistently to the society in an attempt to make the crimes committed during authoritarian period are not forgotten and seeking to extend their support towards the construction of policies that meet their demands. The work developed by CFDDPA in this direction has obtained: a) the recognition of the liability of the Brazilian state for crimes committed on behalf of civil-military regime, b) the granting of compensation to the families of the victims of the repressive apparatus, c) an increase in respect of the disclosure of the issue to the society. To deepen their achievements and formulate new policies, more effectives to address the issue, the Commission continues, however, having to deal with legacies of authoritarian regimes, such as the interpretative blocking that defends a mutual amnesty and incentives the impunity and forgetfulness for crimes committed by the dictatorship, the role of military prerogatives, the secrecy national policy still in force and the remnants of the cultural National Security Doctrine, still follow limiting the obtaining of significant advances with regard to compensation to the families.

This thesis was inspired by the question of how the state addresses irregular challenges for its survival and reputation. It used an example of the confrontation between illegal armed groups (IAGs) operating in the North Caucasus and the Russian state in 2007-2014. Investigation started by asking to what extent do repressive and reconciliatory counter tactics decrease the level of violence produced by illegal armed groups? The thesis was situated in-between of deterrence and backlash theories to examine (in)effectiveness of repressive and reconciliatory policies. It accounted for (in)effectiveness by investigating whether the policy decreases or increases the level of insurgency-related violence; namely, whether it causes deterrence or backlash, in the case of repression or, alternatively, whether it causes conformity or backlash in the case of reconciliation. The thesis operationalised its main variables by disaggregating the strategy into separate repressive and reconciliatory tactics. It considered, on the one hand, three types of IAGs tactics: armed assault, bombings (suicide bombing, vehicle bomb, bomb placement, bomb tossing, firing, fake bomb) and hostage taking. One the other hand, the state tactics were divided into four categories: repressive indiscriminate (regime of counterterrorist operation, clash, and shelling), repressive discriminate (special operation, shooting, arrest, seizure, and detection), reconciliatory indiscriminate (involvement of civil society through dialogue, and socio-economic development), and reconciliatory discriminate (amnesty and reintegration). The thesis expected targeted repressive operations to suppress active IAGs members, whereas socio-economic incentives to contribute to maintaining the success of violent repressive operations. To test these hypotheses, the thesis relied on large empirical data, specially collected from the open sources, including 3270 episodes of IAG-initiated violence and 6114 governmental repressive actions. Data for reconciliatory efforts was taken from official statistics. The thesis used a generalized linear negative binomial and a generalized additive negative binomial model to assess the relationship between governmental policies and the level of violence. The thesis found that discriminate violence does indeed decrease attacks. However, it causes an immediate strong backlash effect at first, and only with considerable time and magnitude of repression eventually leads to the reduction of violence. The more discriminate repression is applied the less backlash it causes. Unlike repression, reconciliatory tactics produce a decrease in attacks. Thus, the thesis found partial support for both deterrence and backlash models. It, however, showed that deterrence effect overcomes initial backlash reaction.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2000Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:13:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 pomar_per_me_fran.pdf: 1438282 bytes, checksum: a6265152c06528500f8c16563f9a09c5 (MD5) / O presente trabalho examina conflito de natureza política ocorrido em 1949 em Ribeirão Preto, por ocasião do II Congresso das Câmaras Municipais do Estado de São Paulo (também chamado Congresso das Municipalidades ou Congresso Municipalista). Operação policial resultou em processo criminal contra treze vereadores de onze municípios, seis dos quais chegaram a ser presos. Todos, exceto um, eram militantes do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB), eleitos em novembro de 1947 por diferentes legendas: PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. Pretende-se demonstrar que o caso expressa a lógica repressiva liberal-conservadora, anticomunista, antinacionalista vigente no governo Dutra, à qual aderiu o governador de São Paulo, Adhemar de Barros, embora tenha sido eleito para o cargo com apoio decisivo do PCB. Procura-se descrever as atividades dos órgãos de repressão política, neste caso, destacadamente o Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS-SP); bem como analisar a ação do PCB, em particular em Ribeirão Preto, nas suas características organizativas, ideológicas e políticas. / This work examines politic nature conflict ocurred in 1949 at Ribeirão Preto City, during the São Paulo State Second Congress of City Halls (also called Congress of Municipalities). The police operation resulted in a criminal process against thirteen concillors of eleven cities, six of wich were arrested. All of them, but one, were militants of Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), elected in November 1947 by different legends, including PSD, PTB, UDN, PSP, PSB, PTN. The author wants to demonstrate that this episode express the repressive logic liberal-conservative, anticommunist and antinacionalist valid in Dutra's government, used by São Paulo's governor, Adhemar de Barros, although he has been supported by PCB. The research describes the organ's activities engaged in political repression during the refered period, mainly the Departamento de Ordem Política e Social, DOPS. Also, it analyzes the organization, ideologies and political characteristcs of PCB, particulary in Ribeirão Preto City.