The thesis deals with terrorism and its development as a social phenomenon since 1970s. It has argued that terrorism has undergone a process of radicalization and globalization, particularly as a result of the changed international situation and proliferation of modern technology. Nationalistic terrorism has been replaced with a global form of terrorism. In a similar vein, revolutionist ideologies, typical for terrorist groups of 1970s and 1980s, has given a way to radical interpretations of religions, namely Islamism, which has received substantial popularity as a result of prevailing grievances of the Muslim world. Even though there is no clear distinction between the old and the new form of terrorism, the two social phenomena differ to an important extent. During the second half of 20th century leftist terrorist groups dominated the scene with their fight for a regime change and battle against capitalism as well as imperialism. The organization of the groups took the form of hierarchy and had only limited number of members. At the beginning of the new millennium, the situation changed dramatically with the proliferation of Islamic groups, including the global terrorist group al-Qaeda. The groups work without a formal power structure and are able to hit targets anywhere in the world, as the...

The thesis deals with one major issue of how the amaXhosa authors reflect change and transition in the lives of their characters in the period under consideration. This change pertains both to the socio-politico-economic life of the people concerned and the contents of the books and the style of the authors' writings. The study is ground-breaking in that it goes beyond common dissection of the structural elements of the books to a synthetic study of their themes, subject matter, character portrayal and setting. The primary aim is to give a holistic overview of the changing culture of the black people against the backdrop of subjugation and transformation. Chapter 1 contains all the formal preliminary information such as aim, method, context, relevance and topicality of study. Chapter 2 anchors the study in the newspaper age as a solid foundation for the amaXhosa literature. Chapter 3 is an overview of the beginnings of literary endeavours among the amaXhosa and how they reflect the impact of socio-economic pressures in the lives of the people. Chapter 4 further illustrates the impact of education and Christianisation on the blacks as well as growing political awareness among the authors. Chapter 5 focuses on culture-clash among the amaXhosa as a result of the alienating influence of both the church and the school. Chapter 6 highlights changes in society at the height of oppression under the previous political dispensation. Chapters 7 and 8 reflect the authors' thinking and how they depict changes in post-apartheid South Africa while Chapter 9 focuses on the role of Language Boards in restricting freedom of writing and expression during the apartheid years. Chapter 10 is a general conclusion that encapsulates the main points of the thesis. / African Languages / D. Litt, et Phil. (African Languages)

This thesis explores the political reformation of “faction” in the political thought of Montesquieu, David Hume, and Edmund Burke, three thinkers whose works span what Pierre Manent calls “an exquisite moment of liberalism.” It examines the transformation of faction from one based largely on class to one based largely on political function and argues that as the political emphasis of “party” overtook that of class, a disconnect in constitutional theory appeared between the principles formerly associated with class, such as honor, and the principles now associated with parties. This disconnect is examined by focusing on the interrelated concepts of political principle, or that which motivates and regulates men, and faction, itself divided into two types, principled and singular. This thesis further considers the role of political principle to faction in each thinker’s thought in order to demonstrate how limited domestic political conflict could sustain itself via a party system. Each thinker recognized that limited political conflict did not weaken the state but rather strengthened it, if engendered by “principled faction” cognizant of a nominal sovereign. Accordingly, it is argued that a similar understanding of “principled faction,” though focused largely on aristocratic ideas of prejudice, self-interest, and inequality, better promoted political liberty within the state and contributed to a greater acceptance of party in political thought.

一、韓非是戰國時代有名的攻治思想家，集先秦法家之大成，其學有足述者。韓非子 一書乃我國古代政治學名著。本文討論韓非政治學說：共分七章，約八萬餘言。第一 章至第三章為韓非行狀、時代背、景思想淵源及其學說之基礎，第四章至七章為韓非 學說之主要內容，最後附以結論，以簡單說明其學說對後代政治之影響。 二、第一章分為兩節。第一節敘述韓子之身世行並附兩點討論，以說明其為法術之士 而泰使件秦之目的及其人格。思想乃環境之產品，而政治思想必有其時代使命，故第 二節由戰國大勢、韓國的處境與政情及當時流行的思想，以說明其學說之時代背景。 三、第二章討論韓非思想之淵。源戰國是我國學術思想上之黃金時代，諸子並起，百 家爭鳴，而以儒墨道法四大學派最有勢力。在此千巖競秀、萬壑爭流的奔放時代，思 想界相互激盪，勢所難免。法家學說較晚出，韓非集法家之大成，其思想之精神與內 容，總不免含有其他學派的影響。本章第一節討論韓子學說之人物淵源，分為從政之 法家與學理之法家二目；第二節為學派淵源，分為儒道墨三家，以說明其學說淵源由 自。 四、第三章討論韓非學說之基礎，分為歷史哲學與人性論兩節。其歷史哲學的精義， 只是『論世之事，因為之傋』八個字。其目的在攻擊儒墨復古守舊的主張，而提倡變 古維新。他的人性論在說明人性之『好利惡害』，以建立其用刑賞的法治主義。 五、第四章勢論。韓子學說中的勢，乃是近代政治學中的主權。韓非主張法治，勢乃 行法的混籍，在其學說中佔有非常重要的地位。不過他主張主權在君，這種主張發揮 到極端，便造成了君主專制。 六、第五章法論，乃韓非學說之中心。共分六節，第一節至第五節討論法之意義、作 用、立法原則、行法之態度與方法及法治之目的。第六節兩點討論，在指出韓非法治 學說中立法權不能獨立與缺乏監督之力量的兩缺點。 七、第六章術論在說明韓非所言的各種治術。術乃行法之手段。全章分為六節，第一 節至第五節敘述術之內容，第六節為結論，討論術治之得失。 八、第七章刑賞與農戰，乃韓非法治主義之兩項具體政策依韓非的主張、推行法治有 賴刑賞，富國強兵有賴農戰。刑賞是手段，富強是目的。 九、結論旨在簡單說明韓非學說對於後代政治之影響。本文所曾指陳者，約有二端： 第一為集權專制，第二為漢代宰相制度。前者包括君主之至尊無上與思想上之排他獨 占兩點，後者著重於宰相之簡選。最後並說明法家思想，尤其是韓非學說盛極而衰， 在秦漢以後失去顯學之地位，不能與儒家相抗衡之原因。

臺灣縣市議員與縣市長選舉的政黨競爭程度不及中央層級選舉，然而相對於地方首長選舉多數呈現兩黨競爭，地方議員選舉的政黨組成則相對多元，可能是近似縣市長的藍綠對決，也可以是無黨籍遙遙領先其他政黨，或是由單一政黨與無黨籍囊括多數選票，這代表政黨在各地區的議員與縣市長得票存在程度不等的落差。本文即在於尋找能夠解釋議員與縣市長選舉政黨得票連動關係不一的因素，並以「得票差距」及「得票相關程度」測量政黨得票的連動性。結果發現，議員選舉選區規模與議員選舉有效票數（縣市人口規模）等「先天結構因素」與政黨兩項選舉的得票差距具有關聯；除了「先天結構因素」，地方派系與現任議員參選比例等「政黨本身可掌握的因素」同樣與政黨兩項選舉的得票相關程度具有關係。地方派系在地方選舉具有舉足輕重的地位，足以解釋政黨議員與縣市長得票相關程度的變化，不過其與政黨得票差距的關係則未獲得證實，本文推測可能受到派系測量的限制。政黨標籤對地方議員選舉的重要性確實不如縣市長或中央層級選舉，但隨著縣市長選舉的兩黨競爭逐漸滲透至議員選舉，其意義已較以往提升。議員選舉兩黨競爭的出現反映議員選舉政黨化的跡象。 / The party competition is weaker in county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections than in central elections in Taiwan. However, Electoral landscape of councilor elections is not the same in districts, rather than competition between two major parties in most county magistrate/city mayoral elections. Some are approximate two-party competition, some are parties lag far behind the independent candidates, others are single party and the independent candidates secure most votes. It indicates that the differences of party votes between county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections vary in districts. The study explores the relationship of party votes between county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections and uses “difference of party votes” and “correlation of the party votes” to measure the dependent variable. The results show that factors which parties can’t determine have something to do with the difference of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, such as district magnitude in county/city councilor elections, scale of population in districts. In addition to factors which parties can’t determine, factors which parties can determine also have something to do with correlation of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, such as local factions, the proportion of incumbent councilors run for another term. Local factions are the pivot of Taiwanese local elections, and can explain the correlation of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, but the relationship with difference of party votes can’t be verified according to the result of analysis. It could attribute to the measurement of factions. The party label is less important in councilor elections than in county magistrate/city mayoral or central elections, but becomes more meaningful when two-party competition penetrates into councilor elections. The competition between two major parties of councilor elections reflects councilor election towards party competition.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Cardoso Pinto.pdf: 571139 bytes, checksum: eed5232a8fad5067f55c20eacd950ee7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-28 / This dissertation tries to evaluate if the expenditures on social policies introduced at the municipality of Diadema by left-wing parties from 1983 to 2000 differ from the expenditures at other municipalities of the same region of the Great ABC, which administrations were conducted by parties of both leftist and rightist parties. It intends to answer if the right-left ideological cleavage caused different patterns of public expenses, or if despite the ideological cleavages, diverse patterns of public expenditures could be caused by other reasons, such as: different kinds of policy demands at different municipalities the region; differences of style of the public managers; or if simply there were no differences of public expenditures between the municipalities. To frame de database of this research we used information from the account offices of each municipality and also information available at the internet pages of Seade Foundation, National Secretary of Treasure and Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics. Besides, we used interviews with some political actors in order to support our analysis / Esta dissertação busca avaliar se o volume de gastos em políticas sociais implantadas em Diadema no período de 1983 a 2000, por partidos de esquerda, difere do volume de gastos ocorridos nos demais municípios da região administrados por partidos ideologicamente distintos e similares. As hipóteses estudadas neste trabalho focaram responder se a clivagem ideológica direita esquerda reflete na importância de execução dos gastos públicos; se o diferencial dos gastos não estaria nas diversificadas demandas dos municípios que compõem a região; se o diferencial da política pública estaria na ideologia partidária ou no perfil do gestor público; se apesar de ideologicamente diferentes, os partidos políticos não gastam da mesma forma. Para tanto, utilizou-se como base de dados, além dos fornecidos diretamente pelos departamentos de contabilidade e orçamento de cada município, os constantes nos sites da Fundação Seade, Secretaria do Tesouro Nacional e Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística sendo todos apresentados a valores constantes. Além disso, utilizou-se de entrevistas e suporte teórico para embasamento da análise de dados

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Cardoso Pinto.pdf: 571139 bytes, checksum: eed5232a8fad5067f55c20eacd950ee7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-28 / This dissertation tries to evaluate if the expenditures on social policies introduced at the municipality of Diadema by left-wing parties from 1983 to 2000 differ from the expenditures at other municipalities of the same region of the Great ABC, which administrations were conducted by parties of both leftist and rightist parties. It intends to answer if the right-left ideological cleavage caused different patterns of public expenses, or if despite the ideological cleavages, diverse patterns of public expenditures could be caused by other reasons, such as: different kinds of policy demands at different municipalities the region; differences of style of the public managers; or if simply there were no differences of public expenditures between the municipalities. To frame de database of this research we used information from the account offices of each municipality and also information available at the internet pages of Seade Foundation, National Secretary of Treasure and Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics. Besides, we used interviews with some political actors in order to support our analysis / Esta dissertação busca avaliar se o volume de gastos em políticas sociais implantadas em Diadema no período de 1983 a 2000, por partidos de esquerda, difere do volume de gastos ocorridos nos demais municípios da região administrados por partidos ideologicamente distintos e similares. As hipóteses estudadas neste trabalho focaram responder se a clivagem ideológica direita esquerda reflete na importância de execução dos gastos públicos; se o diferencial dos gastos não estaria nas diversificadas demandas dos municípios que compõem a região; se o diferencial da política pública estaria na ideologia partidária ou no perfil do gestor público; se apesar de ideologicamente diferentes, os partidos políticos não gastam da mesma forma. Para tanto, utilizou-se como base de dados, além dos fornecidos diretamente pelos departamentos de contabilidade e orçamento de cada município, os constantes nos sites da Fundação Seade, Secretaria do Tesouro Nacional e Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística sendo todos apresentados a valores constantes. Além disso, utilizou-se de entrevistas e suporte teórico para embasamento da análise de dados

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2017-01-24T15:22:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Melquisedeque de Oliveira Fernandes.pdf: 1330146 bytes, checksum: 17d72060102273b283c533dc7ab97cd5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-24T15:22:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Melquisedeque de Oliveira Fernandes.pdf: 1330146 bytes, checksum: 17d72060102273b283c533dc7ab97cd5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-14 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This paper proposes to reflect over family farmers? productive organization, regarding their access to public policies, in two land reform settlements of Rio Grande do Norte state ? Brazil. Several studies have systematically pointed out that the conflict is inherent in the settlements organization. If on one hand the associative rationality is based on the convergence of personal interests, on the other, the heterogeneity of their trajectories of life and labor corroborates in the opposite direction. Emerges as issue the way they compose forms of reciprocity and mutual commitment, not necessarily fitted in terms of rights and duties of associative action. The factional dynamics takes place in this gap, articulating social networks, settled on their own conflict relationships. This happens, mainly, when some groups mobilize several moral constraints, creating the groups boundaries, when supporting or attacking one another. They reinforce, therefore, selective affinities of friendship, neighborhood, militancy and religion, which are linked to the contractual reciprocities, supporting common actions. The goal of this thesis is to offer an alternative approach of productive organization in the settlements, different from contractual arrangements or the "collectivism" present in the mediators actions / Este trabalho se prop?e a pensar a organiza??o produtiva de fam?lias assentadas no contato com pol?ticas p?blicas para agricultura familiar, em dois assentamentos rurais do Rio Grande do Norte. Diversos estudos t?m sistematicamente pautado a quest?o do conflito como um dado inerente ? organiza??o nos assentamentos. A esse respeito, h? um vazio entre os princ?pios de uma racionalidade associativa, introduzida como dispositivo comum de gest?o da terra, e a maneira como as fam?lias comp?em formas de reciprocidade e comprometimento. Se a racionalidade associativa se baseia na converg?ncia dos interesses dos sujeitos, a heterogeneidade de suas trajet?rias de vida e trabalho aponta na dire??o contraria. Emerge enquanto problem?tica a maneira como os sujeitos se organizam diante do contato com pol?ticas publicas. ? no vazio das reciprocidades contratuais que a din?mica faccional toma lugar, articulando tecidos sociais que se estabelecem nas pr?prias rela??es de conflito. Isso ocorre, sobremaneira, quando come?a a surgir no interior dos assentamentos grupos que cerram fileiras contra outros, passando a mobilizar uma serie de constrangimentos morais, enquanto criam as fronteiras dos grupos com base em discursos de suporte ou desqualifica??o da a??o do outro. Refor?am, desse modo, afinidades seletivas de amizade, vizinhan?a, milit?ncia e religi?o, que se articulam com as reciprocidades contratuais do associativismo, oferecendo organicidade para a??es comuns. A contribui??o deste trabalho materializa o intuito de oferecer uma interpreta??o ? organiza??o produtiva nos assentamentos, como alternativa aos preceitos contratuais do associativismo ou ao ?coletivismo? presente nas a??es dos mediadores

本研究的目的在於使用心理學與政治學當中，與組織變革相關的理論與實務研究，來探索在政黨歷經組織變革的過程．研究對象為國內第一大反對黨─民進黨． 本研究選擇了與心理學中有關的變項：次團體之間的互動，即民進黨中派系的互動；組織變革中領導者的角色；另外則是華人社會中受儒家思想影響極大的關係主義．由於派系之間的互動不論是在心理學或是政治學中的研究，都極為匱乏，對於民進黨的派系現象更是缺乏系統性的探討，因此本論文嘗試從質的研究著手，以派系互動為主要的變項，領導行為與關係主義為干涉變項，探索這些因素對於民進黨在組織變革過程中的影響．綜合以上，研究者提出兩個問題：第一，中國人是以情感為分類基礎，和研究對象主要以派系為分類基礎，其中的機制有何不同．第二，民進黨的黨主席屬於某一個派系，造成和部屬的互動對組織變革的影響，並探討五倫關係在此所扮演的角色為何． 使用方法以文件研究與半結構式的訪談為主，輔以研究者的參與觀察．經過半年的研究期間，得到的研究結果可分為五個方面：1.派系形成的原因與分析當中的結構因素；2.探索派系之間互動之前，先交代各別派系的基本特質，如成立的背景、結合的機制、組織的特色、代表人物等等；3.派系互動則以資源分配為例來討論；4.派系互動對組織變革的影響，根據Burke-Litwin的組織績效與變革模式當中的各因素，探討在民進黨的組織變革當中的調整或改變，並討論兩大干涉變項的影響；5.使用組織心理學對組織變革的研究回顧民進黨． 研究結論認為，每一個派系都有其組織的文化，而華人社會使用許久的五倫關係在當中必然有其影響，只是有程度上與優先順序上的不同．而這些不同也造成了在成員的屬性、私人關係的頻率、派系衝突解決方式、派系的約束力與對代表人的認同上的差異，這些派系差異所形成的競爭與合作，在仍處於反對黨的前提之下，原則上仍會以黨的整體利益為最優先的考量． 即使黨主席做為民進黨的領導者，也不能違反黨的最高精神──程序正義與公開透明．在這樣的原則之下，五倫關係就會適時地發揮其潤滑作用；反之，若黨主席以五倫關係作為決策的第一考量，則受到黨內各派系抵制的機會將會增加．由於在制度上刻意弱化黨主席權限，因此以黨主席為主的內外團體現象並不明顯．

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