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A lot of research on the Shona novel has focussed on the influence of orature and the Bible. It has also focused on the influence that the Southern Rhodesia Literature Bureau had on its development. This research has endeavoured to highlight the reliability and validity of the Shona novel as a historical document. The dependability of the novel as an alternative site from which history can be deciphered is corroborated by historical documents. The history that comes out in the Shona novels that have been studied covers the pre-colonial period right up to the post-independence period. Among the issues that come up in the research that relate to history are the Rozvi state under Chirisamhuru, the economic activities in pre-colonial Shona society that include raids for cattle and women as well as hunting and external trade. The Shona novel has also proved historically reliable in as far as it relates to the navigability of the Save River. It has highlighted the living conditions and the wages that Blacks got in colonial Rhodesia and exposed the land imbalances that came into existence because of the Land Apportionment Act of 1930, which left Blacks living on the periphery and in overcrowded, hot and dry reserves that were hardly fertile. The Rhodesian authorities, as the novels have exposed, denied most Blacks access to education. When schools were provided, they were poorly staffed and those on farms functioned more as labour pools than schools. The novel has also proved its dependability when it highlights the early days of the nationalist movement and the unilateral declaration of independence of 1965. It has also brought to the fore the birth of the armed struggle and the Rhodesian responses to it. The Rhodesians responded politically and militarily. Politically, it was through the Internal Settlement Agreement of March 1978. Militarily they moved people into 'protected villages' in an effort to deny guerrillas access to food and clothing. The novel also highlights the post-independence period especially political intolerance. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Is Xi Jinping’s anticorruption campaign genuinely fighting corruption, or does it serve to expand Xi’s power? This “hunt for tigers and flies” is second to none in the history of the Communist Party of China. In the first 29 months of Xi’s tenure, 104 “tigers” – corrupt cadres at or above vice-provincial/ministerial level – have been confirmed of being brought down in the campaign, including 4 national leaders. It is Xi’s first sweep of his new broom and tells a story more than anticorruption itself. This thesis studies the early stage of Xi’s campaign against corruption from November 2012 to March 2015 from quantitative and network perspectives and illustrates the political dynamics that drive anticorruption in a period when the new autocrat consolidates his power. First, the thesis examines the temporal and geographical/functional distribution of tigers and concludes that it is a thorough campaign fueled by the autocrat’s increase of power. The process of Xi Jinping’s consolidating power pushes through anticorruption. Second, analysis of the tiger succession shows that Xi Jinping does not often apply outsider succession to fill the vacancies by his own loyalists. It suggests that the anticorruption campaign does not directly expand his power by personnel appointment. Third, this thesis draws a colleague network of the fallen tigers and uses centrality measurement to identify factional structure in the sociogram. Network analysis helps find out whether Xi Jinping takes advantage of the tiger hunt to strike down his enemies and, if he does, who he targets at. It turns out that there are factional groups that Xi cracks down, and the purge creates a favorable climate for Xi’s transcendence from a first-among-equals leader in power-sharing arrangements to an unchallengeable autocrat.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:56:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LILIAN CRISTINA TEIXEIRA PIMENTEL.pdf: 1194315 bytes, checksum: b2094114582008a73c72297aad0304f4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-01-31 / This research sought to identify the implications of environmental, social and work in the process of health - disease of women seamstresses by faction of the Metropolitan Area of Goiânia. Had as reference the Doctoral Thesis, Mujeres del trabajo that live at home - El tiempo de las trabajadores own de la ropa de Goiás dress, the type of study and research subjects 10 years later, it is referenced in this study as research-reference (Jonas / 2001). This is a qualitative study conducted with 34 seamstresses by faction in their own home which was located among the 59 selected intentionally seamstresses who participated in discussion groups of research-reference (Jonas/2001). Data were collected through interviews and the results obtained allowed to identify most of these women are older than 55 years, white, married, partisan, included in this work is by vocation, need to help out financially at home or lack of better job opportunities. Mostly have low education, excessive working hours, work more than 12 hours per week, shift work beyond 8 hours without receiving extra compensation and receive one to two minimum wages. Besides the professional work they perform domestic chores in their homes, which characterizes the double workday. The work environment is usually devoid of visual comfort, thermal, acoustic, securities with inadequate and mingles with the familiar environment. They are exposed to several risk factors physical, economic and environmental manifested in health problems identified at all partisan. They are more common: the musculoskeletal disorders, spine problems, digestive disorders, hypertension and varices. Most seamstresses identified as a disadvantage in that said free work, lack of rights and social guarantees, and the advantage of the fact that he reconciled the various roles of mother, wife and homemaker. Regarding the expected achievements expressed that most of them, was to contribute to education and training of children. Passed 10 years after the 1st investigation that served as reference for this work, the seamstresses attribute the health problems faced by them as hereditary factors, without a conscious attitude on the conditioning to which they are referred by the type of work.Therefore, it can be stated that, in general, they still are not aware of the current issues that occur in the workplace and is permeated by violations of the diversity of risk factors present in the work of faction at home, and impact of work overload accumulated work at home with the day's housework and care of the family, responsible for diseases and painful manifestations. / Esta pesquisa buscou identificar as implicações decorrentes das condições ambientais, sociais e do trabalho no processo de saúde - doença das mulheres costureiras por facção da Região Metropolitana de Goiânia. Teve como referência a Tese de Doutorado, Mujeres que viven del trabajo a domicílio El tiempo próprio de las trabajadoras de la ropa de vestir de Goiás, quanto ao tipo de estudo e os sujeitos investigados 10 anos depois, e será referenciado neste estudo como pesquisa-referência (Jonas/ 2001). Trata-se de um estudo qualitativo realizado junto a 34 costureiras por facção em seu próprio domicílio que foi localizado dentre as 59 costureiras selecionadas intencionalmente que participaram dos grupos de discussão da pesquisa-referência (Jonas/2001). Os dados foram coletados por meio de entrevistas em profundidade e os resultados obtidos possibilitaram identificar que a maioria dessas mulheres tem idade acima de 55 anos, são brancas, casadas, faccionistas, inseridas neste trabalho seja por vocação, necessidade de ajudar financeiramente em casa ou por falta de melhores oportunidades de trabalho. Em sua maioria, têm baixa escolaridade, jornada de trabalho excessiva, trabalham mais de 12 horas semanais, trabalham além da jornada de 8 horas diárias sem receber nenhuma remuneração extra e recebem de 1 a 2 salários mínimos. Além do trabalho profissional elas realizam trabalhos domésticos em suas moradias, o que caracteriza a dupla jornada de trabalho. O ambiente de trabalho geralmente é desprovido de conforto visual, térmico, acústico, com mobiliários inadequados e se mistura com o ambiente familiar. Estão expostas a vários fatores de riscos físicos, econômicos e ambientais manifestados nos problemas de saúde identificados em todas as faccionistas. São mais frequentes: as disfunções musculoesqueléticas, os problemas na coluna vertebral, digestivos, varizes e hipertensão. A maioria das costureiras identificou como desvantagem nesse trabalho dito livre, a falta de direitos e garantias sociais, e como vantagem o fato de ter conciliado os vários papeis de mãe, esposa e dona de casa. Quanto às realizações esperadas manifestaram que a maior delas, foi contribuir para a educação e formação dos filhos. Transcorridos 10 anos após a 1ª investigação realizada que serviu de referência para este trabalho, as costureiras atribuem os problemas de saúde enfrentados por elas como de ordem hereditária, sem ter uma postura consciente sobre o condicionamento a que estão submetidas pelo tipo de trabalho. Portanto, pode-se afirmar que, de uma maneira geral, elas ainda não se atentaram às questões atuais que ocorrem no mundo do trabalho e que está permeado por violações, para a diversidade de fatores de risco presentes no trabalho por facção em domicílio, e o impacto da sobrecarga do trabalho profissional no domicílio acumulado com a jornada de trabalho doméstico e dos cuidados com a família, responsáveis pelas doenças e manifestações álgicas.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nilo Henrique Neves dos Reis.pdf: 3167609 bytes, checksum: 2973b116230b1b10675c548924a015ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis seeks to identify the presence of Niccolò Machiavelli's thinking within David Hume's writings. Both were theorists of political realism. Since the writings of Machiavelli had been circulating in England during the eighteenth century, it is plausible to consider that the next generation following the Florentine found inspiration in new political constructions arising from their readings of Machiavelli. With regard to Hume, both Humanist and Renaissance concepts served as necessary tools with which to base his critique of the British political system. As a moderate figure in political issues, Hume disagreed with the basic characteristics of the monarchic republican model called mixed in effect in the English nation, which according to Hume, favored recurring crises, oscillating between the two forms monarchy and republic - without focusing on one in particular. This system permitted that private interests enter in juxtaposition to collective ones, through the parliamentarians. Hume works with the interpretations of the authors of his time, and deepens the political issue with his own originality. Similar to the Florentine perspective, Hume suggests the effective monarchy as the way to put an end to the deficiencies of the system. It is necessary, however, to identify certain features (human nature, history, faction, trade), because Hume did not leave these marks in an evident way. Indeed, Hume seems to disguise the conceptual itinerary that associated him to his privileged interlocutor. Nevertheless he was aware that a connection would hinder somehow, a useful reading of his writings, as a result of the prejudice and of the negative criticisms that were attached to the Italian thinker / Procura-se identificar a presença do pensamento de Niccolò Machiavelli nos escritos de David Hume, ambos teóricos do realismo político. Tendo os escritos de Maquiavel circulado na Inglaterra do século XVIII, torna-se plausível afirmar que os pósteros do Florentino tenham se inspirado em novas construções políticas a partir de suas leituras. No caso de Hume, os conceitos dos humanistas e renascentistas serviram como ferramentas necessárias para embasar suas críticas ao sistema político britânico. Como um moderado em assuntos de política, ele estava em desacordo com as características do modelo monárquico republicano, denominado misto, vigente na nação inglesa que, segundo ele, favorece crises recorrentes à medida que oscila entre duas formas, monarquia e república, sem se fixar em uma determinada. Tal sistema permite que os interesses particulares justaponham aos coletivos, através dos parlamentares. Hume parte das interpretações dos autores de sua época e aprofunda com originalidade a política. De modo semelhante ao Florentino, aponta a monarquia efetiva como o caminho para findar as deficiências do sistema. É preciso, contudo, identificar estes traços (natureza humana, história, facção, comércio), pois ele não deixou estas marcas evidentes. Em verdade, Hume parece disfarçar o itinerário conceitual que o associava ao seu interlocutor privilegiado. Tinha, todavia, consciência de que essa ligação dificultaria, de algum modo, a leitura profícua de seus escritos, em virtude do preconceito e da crítica negativa que estava adstrita ao pensador italiano

台灣的地方派系在台灣政治發展過程中，扮演著相當獨特的角色，因此，派系政治是一個相當值得從事台灣研究工作者進行觀察的對象。而在派系與選舉的相關實証研究中，經常被提出來的對應分析變數是「現代化」或「都市化」程度；不過，截至目前為止，相關的研究卻經常把這兩個變數視為一體，致其研究的成果，未能與預期的發現一致。 因此，本研究是對新竹縣（市）地方派系的發展與變遷歷程中，都市化、派系得票率與選舉投票率間的因果關係及其影響感到興趣，並想進一步借著新竹縣（市）地方派系的個案研究，對相關研究假設與分析變數的應用，從事更為精確的探討。 而經過實証的分析後，本研究發現，在新竹縣（市）近年（1994~1998）七屆次各層級的選舉中，都市化程度與派系得票率間的關係，呈現負相關；都市化程度與選舉投票率間的關係，亦為負相關；而派系得票率選舉投票率間的關係，則為正相關。而以上三項的研究發現，完全符合原初的研究設計與假設。 此外，在質性分析面向上，本研究亦發現，決定新竹縣（市）地方派系發展的重要因素，在新竹縣部份是宗親力量，而在新竹市部份則為族群問題。而地方派系與政黨間的互動，在新竹縣部份，國民黨與派系間的關係，為派系主導國民黨的運作模式，在民進黨部份，則為合作共生的關係；至於，在新竹市部份，則為派系與國民黨合作共生的模式。 基此，本研究相信，台灣地區其它縣市地方派系的生態與發展，將可援用本個案分析的架構，藉由實証觀察模型的套用，為台灣地方派系的研究，累積並修正更多可供應用的事實發現與研究假設，以進一步建構解釋地方派系影響力變遷的實証性理論。

本論文旨在探討台灣地方派系與選舉之關係，並以雲林縣作為個案，分別探討雲林地方派系的形成及發展及權力結構、派系與選舉提名、派系與選舉動員、派系與選舉結果等問題。文分六章，各章重點如下： 　　第一章：除說明研究動機外，並以文獻探討及訪談等作為主要研究方法；而就理論架構方面，主要以派系理論及恩庇侍從(patron-client）理論為基礎，探討威權體制下，派系如何經由恩庇侍從關係的連結，而得以在選舉中發揮巨大影響力。 　　第二章：首先就社會文化及政治經濟的角度，說明台灣地方派系形成的背景因素，從而進一步描繪雲林縣地方派系的形成發展及權力結構。 　　第三章：本章分二大部分，第一部份敘述四十餘年來國民黨提名政策的演變；其次，並以雲林縣十餘年來省級以上民意代表及縣長選舉為例，探討國民黨在歷次選舉的提名策略，以及派系競爭提名的衝突過程；從而進一步補充了前述之雲林縣地方派系的形成及發展部分。 　　第四章旨在探討派系與選舉動員；第一節敘述派系的動員基礎，包括農會、水利會、信用合作社、學校、行政系統、黨務系統等動員網路；其次，在第二節中，本文則探討在此動員基礎下，派系與樁腳的互動關係；第三節以二屆國大代表及二屆立法委員選舉為例，說明各候選人的動員基礎及派系網路。 　　第五章旨在以雲林縣歷年來省級以上民意代表選舉的開票結果作基礎，探討地方派系與得票率，當選率及投票率的關係。 　　第六章結論。

鄉鎮市財政狀況不佳，多須仰賴上級政府補助的情形已存在許久，本研究的目的即以嘉義縣十八鄉鎮（市）為對象，探討縣政府對鄉鎮（市）公所的補助情形。影響一鄉鎮（市）補助收入的因素頗多，包括經濟性因素和政治性因素，本研究旨在探討政治性因素中地方派系、縣長選舉、各鄉鎮（市）對縣長的支持度及鄉鎮（市）長是否連任等對一鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入的影響。具體而言，本研究的研究問題如下： 　　一、除了經濟性的考量之外，縣府補助鄉鎮（市）公所時有無政治性因素介入？ 　　二、鄉鎮市長與縣長派系屑性的異同對補助款的多寡有無影響？亦即鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市）補助收入是否多於一些鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長派系屬性相異的鄉鎮（市）公所？ 　　三、縣長選舉年時，各鄉鎮（市）公所的補助收入有無增加？ 　　四、縣長選舉年時，鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市）公所的補助收入與一些鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長不同的鄉鎮（市）的補助收入有無差異？ 　　五、鄉鎮（市）長連任的鄉鎮（市）補助收入與鄉鎮（市）長首任時該鄉鎮（市）補助收入有無差異？ 　　六、對縣長支持度高的鄉鎮（市）補助收入是否多於對縣長支持度低的鄉鎮（市）？ 　　再依據本研究的研究問題發展出本五個研究假設，如下： 　　假設一：鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市），縣府補助收入多於不同派系屬性的鄉鎮（市）。 　　假設二：縣長選舉年時，各鄉鎮（市）的補助款收入會增加。 　　假設三：選舉時封縣長支持度愈高的鄉鎮（市），選舉後的補助款入愈多。 　　假設四：鄉鎮（市）長連任的鄉鎮（市）長，縣府補助收入少於鄉鎮（市）長首任的鄉鎮（市）。 　　假設五：縣長選舉年時，鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市）所獲補助款增加的額度多於鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長派系屆性不同的鄉鎮（市）。 　　本研究採用了補助款理論、地方派系理論及政治景氣循環理論來建構研究架構；而在研究方法的使用上，本研究採取三角定位法的觀點，兼採質的研究方法和量的研究方法，以期對政治性因素影響鄉鎮（市）公所補助款收入的情形作更深入的瞭解。 　　研究結果發現，現行嘉義縣政府對轄十八鄉鎮（市）公所的補助中，除財政局有固定的補助標準之外，縣府其它局室對鄉鎮（市）公所的補助皆無一定的標準，而相對地，鄉鎮（市）公所方面對於縣府財政局的補助標準亦所知不多，因此政治性因素得以介入補助過程中。而政治性介入的情形叉如何呢？本研究發現，一鄉鎮（市）對縣長的支持度高低是主要的政治性影響因素，支持度高低與一鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入間是呈負相關，即支持度愈低的鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入愈多，本研究的假設三無法成立。 　　之所以有此種情形，本研究基於公共選擇理論的論點認為是因現任縣長為求下次選舉再度執政，對於一些對其支持度較低的鄉鎮（市）會增加補助，藉著補助款的撥給以換取該鄉鎮（市）的選票。 　　除一鄉鎮（市）封縣長支持度高低之外，其它政治性因素對一鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入的影響情形，在本研究第六章中將有詳述，在此將本研究主要的研究發現摘要於下。 　　一、在地方派系屬性封鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入的影響上，本研究發現鄉鎮（市）長派系屈性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市），縣府補助收入多於鄉鎮（市）長派系屑性與縣長相異的鄉鎮（市），本研究假設一得以成立。 　　二、在縣長選舉年對鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入的影響上，本研究發現就十八鄉鎮（市）的總平均值而言，在第十、十一、十二屆縣長選舉年時各鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入多於選舉前一年。 　　以上是由鄉鎮（市）公所的收入面進行分析的結果，若由縣府補助支出面的情況來加以分析，結果發現縣長選舉年時縣府補助款支出的額度大於非縣長選舉年時。因此由全體鄉鎮（市）公所的縣府補助收入總平均值及由縣政府補助支出面來看，本研究的假設二得以成立。 　　除此之外，本研究亦發現在第九屆及第十一屆縣長選舉後一年，各鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入的平均值少於縣長選舉當年的平均值。如此的發現綜合上段所言就全體鄉鎮（市）公所總平均值來看，選舉年時鄉鎳（市）縣府補助收入會增加的情形，可證實除了第十屆縣長選舉年以外，整的而言嘉義縣各鄉鎮（市）在縣府補助收入層面「選舉景氣循環」的情形是存在的。 　　三、在鄉鎮（市）長連任與否對鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入的影響上，本研究發現連任的鄉鎮（市）長任內該鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入多於首任時期該鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入，本研究假設四無法成立。之所以有此種情形，本研究認為是因在缺乏明確的補助標準的情形下，一鄉鎮（市）公所最常用以爭取補助的方法即為「透過地方人士及民意代表爭取」及「透過計畫申請」等二項方法〈見附錄四〉，連任的鄉鎮（市）長因已累積前任四年內的種種人脈及資源，較能拿捏有效的補助款爭取方法，因此在第二任任期內補助款收入會多於尚處於摸索階段的第一任任期內補助款的收入額。 　　四、在鄉鎮（市）長派系屆性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市）於縣長選舉年時補助款增加的情形上，本研究發現鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長相異的鄉鎮（市）公所在縣長選舉年時縣府補助收入並無增加，但此種結果是各瑯裝（市）平均值上的情形，本研究冉計算出各鄉鎮（市）於縣長選舉年時補助款增加的額度後再進行檢測，結果發現鄉鎮（市）長派系屑性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市）在縣長選舉年時縣府補助收入增加的額度多於鄉鎮（市）派系屬性與縣長相異的鄉鎮（市）長主政的鄉鎮（市），本研究假設五得以成工。 　　至於各項政治性因素的重要性方面，依迴歸分析發現一鄉鎮（市）對縣長的支持度高低是主要決定因性，其次為鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性及鄉鎮（市）長是否連任，至於縣長選舉年對一鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入的影響，則無如預期中地重要。 　　在研究建議方面，本研究分別提出近程建議、遠程建議及對後續研究的建議，在近程建議中，本研究建議宜訂定明確的補助標準，避免政治性因素太過介入補助過程，且根據嘉義縣各鄉鎮（市）公所財政狀況，分級要求鄉鎮（市）公所在爭取補助時提撥配合款；在遠程建議上，本研究認為鄉鎮（市）公所預算體系仍須保留，建議廢除省級機構，採行中央、縣、鄉鎮（市）三級制，並擴大縣及鄉鎮（市）的職權，切實落實地方自治乃為解決地方財政問題的根本辦法。

This thesis examines the political trajectory of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) during the period from the 1982 eviction of the Palestinian factions from their headquarters in Beirut, to the 2006-07 division between Hamas and Fatah in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). During this period, the PFLP experienced a process of decline that resulted in its marginalisation within the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the wider Palestinian national movement. This study addresses the issue of the PFLP’s decline by focusing on its own political agency to determine the role of policy and decision making, ideology and political narrative in the marginalisation process. This work therefore, on the one hand, aims at putting the PFLP’s decline into historical perspective, identifying it as a process rather than simply the effect of outstanding events as it is often argued. On the other, its goal is to ascribe to ‘subjective factors’, namely aspects directly linked to the PFLP’s agency, the adequate weight in determining its decline. This appears particularly significant as the weakening of the Palestinian left has been frequently explained as a by-product of global and local external or ‘objective’ developments such as the downfall of the Soviet Union or the emergence of political Islam. By providing a comprehensive and processual analysis of the PFLP’s decline, this study not only aims at complementing the literature on the Palestinian national movement, which still lacks a focused approach on the main Palestinian leftist force. It also aims at shedding light on a major cause, and its historical origins, of the current Palestinian political impasse, namely the absence of an alternative between Hamas and the PNA’s governing entities, both crippled by a legitimacy crisis and unable to progress Palestinian interests. By virtue of its close survey of the PFLP’s conduct, a further goal of this thesis is to address the historical role of the PLO and its de-facto heir, the PNA. What is evidenced is the double, and contradictory, role of the essential but also constraining framework that the PLO and later the PNA represented for the PFLP’s policies. The focus on the PFLP’s political agency allows the identification of a pattern in its policy which affected negatively its standing within the Palestinian national movement. Throughout the period addressed, policy fluctuation marked the PFLP’s action, undermining the effectiveness of its political line and jeopardising its political weight. The present study highlights how such a policy fluctuation pattern originated from major dilemmas and contradictions that the PFLP had to consider while producing its policies. The main dilemma, informing all other sources of tensions affecting the PFLP, has been defined as an ‘opposition-integration’ dilemma. In other words, the PFLP, while opposing the PLO leadership’s policies, first and foremost its quest for a diplomatic settlement with Israel under US patronage, needed to maintain its integration within the PLO regime, which represented an essential economic and political framework. This produced inconsistent, ‘fluctuant’ policies that prevented the PFLP from maintaining its political weight and stopping its marginalisation process. This opposition-integration dilemma was combined with other sources of tensions marking the PFLP such as: relations with other PLO opposition factions, relations with Arab partners, its contacts with Palestinian Islamists, the confrontation with the PNA after the 1993 Oslo accords or the internal divide between the exiled leadership and the cadres located in the OPT. The PFLP’s official publications, mainly retrieved from its mouthpiece, Al-Hadaf magazine, embodied the main source upon which this study relies. Beside this corpus of documents, other primary sources, such as documents issued by relevant actors, have been scrutinised, while all information has been read against the background of the wider academic literature currently available on the Palestinian national movement. This research also drew information from interviews with former and current PFLP members as well as with experts of the Palestinian national movement.

A lot of research on the Shona novel has focussed on the influence of orature and the Bible. It has also focused on the influence that the Southern Rhodesia Literature Bureau had on its development. This research has endeavoured to highlight the reliability and validity of the Shona novel as a historical document. The dependability of the novel as an alternative site from which history can be deciphered is corroborated by historical documents. The history that comes out in the Shona novels that have been studied covers the pre-colonial period right up to the post-independence period. Among the issues that come up in the research that relate to history are the Rozvi state under Chirisamhuru, the economic activities in pre-colonial Shona society that include raids for cattle and women as well as hunting and external trade. The Shona novel has also proved historically reliable in as far as it relates to the navigability of the Save River. It has highlighted the living conditions and the wages that Blacks got in colonial Rhodesia and exposed the land imbalances that came into existence because of the Land Apportionment Act of 1930, which left Blacks living on the periphery and in overcrowded, hot and dry reserves that were hardly fertile. The Rhodesian authorities, as the novels have exposed, denied most Blacks access to education. When schools were provided, they were poorly staffed and those on farms functioned more as labour pools than schools. The novel has also proved its dependability when it highlights the early days of the nationalist movement and the unilateral declaration of independence of 1965. It has also brought to the fore the birth of the armed struggle and the Rhodesian responses to it. The Rhodesians responded politically and militarily. Politically, it was through the Internal Settlement Agreement of March 1978. Militarily they moved people into 'protected villages' in an effort to deny guerrillas access to food and clothing. The novel also highlights the post-independence period especially political intolerance. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)