- About
-
The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
provided by the
Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
Search results
Showing 41 to 48 of 48 (0.081 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"activaction""
| 41 |
中央與地方政治權力關係之轉變--國民黨威權政體的鞏固與轉型 / The Change of Power Relationship beTween National and Local Politics -- The Consolidation and Transition of Kuomintang Authoritarian Regime劉明煌, Liu, Ming-huang Unknown Date (has links)
本文的研究主旨在於 ： 從中央與地方政治權力關係變動的主軸來探
討台灣威權政體的轉型過程。在概念的界定上，早期（ 1972 年前）或狹
義的中央與地方政治權力關係，主要係指涉國民黨與地方派系的結盟關係
，後期（ 1972 年後）或廣義的意涵，則主要係指涉中央政治勢力和地方
基層間的關係，其中，國民黨、反對運動及地方派系三者間的關係，乃是
著重焦點所在。至於分析架構的安排，首先，本文先敘述國民黨威權政體
形成的歷史背景，繼之分析國民黨威權政體的建構，包括國民黨威權政體的控制與支配，及其內在脆弱性。其次，本文將中央與地方政治權力關係的演變劃分為三個時期：第一個時期是 1949-1972 年， 主要劃分的依據在於 1972 年增額選舉的舉辦（象徵中央大門的開啟），分析焦點則是國民黨與地方派系依侍結盟的建立； 第二個時期是 1972-1986 年，主要劃分的依據在於民進黨的成立（象徵中央政治權力的分化），分析的焦點則是本土地方勢力（包括反對運動和地方派系）的向中央挺進，及其和外來政權之間的互動、激盪；第三個時期是 1986 年後，分析的焦點在於黨國體制的瓦解 -- 國民黨的轉化、國會的全面改選 -- 立法院的轉型及地方派系的變與不變 -- 政經結合體。再者，在分析的流程中，本文援引了兩
個貫穿上述三個時期的環境仲介變數：一是意識的發展，主要係指「大中國意識」和「台灣主體意識」彼此間的消長；二是選舉機制的發展，包括選舉角色和選舉層次的改變。
|
| 42 |
地方派系、社會運動與環境治理：以八輕在雲、嘉設廠決策分析為例 / Local Faction, Social Movement and Environmental Governance: Taking the 8th Naphtha Cracking Project for Example.呂季蓉, Lu,Chi-Jung Unknown Date (has links)
八輕的興建由於具備提振經濟發展的功能，受到熱烈歡迎；卻也因為其對環境生態影響甚鉅，引發當地居民的反對聲浪，以及全國各地的環保團體串連抗議，導致進度延宕。這種經濟與環保衝突的鄰避型設施，在廠址的選擇上，因為必須要滿足社會大眾的需求，而成為環境決策相當重要的一環。只是，同樣渴望經濟發展的雲林縣與嘉義縣，為何八輕最後會選擇落腳雲林而非嘉義？決策過程中的利害關係人又是如何互動？研究結果發現，雖然政商聯盟在中央決策場域上佔有優勢，然廠址抉擇的關鍵仍在於地方的政治生態。嘉義黃林兩派對立的政治生態，讓主政黃派在爭取開發案上，因受到林派為反對而反對的掣肘，中油倍感經營不易而退出；在雲林張派獨大的情形下，沒有足以抗衡的反對勢力，而有利於八輕的進駐。此外，無論在中央或地方的層級，環保團體都企圖在政治力的夾縫中求生存，以阻擋政商聯盟的不正義開發。地方民眾則因利益不同而選擇與派系或環保團體結盟。 / The building of 8th Naphtha Cracking Project is so popular because of its function of promoting economic development. However, local residents have great opposition to it because of its giant influence on environment. Furthermore, the series of representations from the environmental groups have made the work progress at a very low pace. The siting of nimby facility which causes the conflict between economic development and environment protection has become an important part of decision making because it has to satisfy all kinds of needs in the society. Then, we may wonder why 8th Naphtha Cracking Project chooses Yun-lin County instead of Chia-yi County since both of them are eager to develop their own economics, and how the stakeholders interact during the decision making process. The study finds out that politicoeconomic coalitions control the national political arena, and they seem to monopolize decision making process. But the local political ecology is the key to siting. In Chia-yi County, Huang Faction is in confrontation with Lin Faction. Although Huang Faction makes efforts to win the developing project, Lin Faction just protests without particular reasons. Finally, CPC gives up the project because it is so difficult to run business in this situation. On the other hand, Chang Faction is so dominant that there is no political opposition movement in Yun-lin County. And that fosters the coming of 8th Naphtha Cracking Project. In addition, no matter in central or local level, environmental groups try to influence policy to prevent the unjust development from politicoeconomic coalitions. And the local residents enter into strategic coalitions with factions or environmental groups due to different interests.
|
| 43 |
Transformation and socio-political change in selected isiXhosa novels 1909 - 2006Mtuze, Kutala Primrose 30 June 2008 (has links)
The thesis deals with one major issue of how the amaXhosa authors reflect change and transition in the lives of their characters in the period under consideration. This change pertains both to the socio-politico-economic life of the people concerned and the contents of the books and the style of the authors' writings. The study is ground-breaking in that it goes beyond common dissection of the structural elements of the books to a synthetic study of their themes, subject matter, character portrayal and setting. The primary aim is to give a holistic overview of the changing culture of the black people against the backdrop of subjugation and transformation.
Chapter 1 contains all the formal preliminary information such as aim, method, context, relevance and topicality of study.
Chapter 2 anchors the study in the newspaper age as a solid foundation for the amaXhosa literature.
Chapter 3 is an overview of the beginnings of literary endeavours among the amaXhosa and how they reflect the impact of socio-economic pressures in the lives of the people.
Chapter 4 further illustrates the impact of education and Christianisation on the blacks as well as growing political awareness among the authors.
Chapter 5 focuses on culture-clash among the amaXhosa as a result of the alienating influence of both the church and the school.
Chapter 6 highlights changes in society at the height of oppression under the previous political dispensation.
Chapters 7 and 8 reflect the authors' thinking and how they depict changes in post-apartheid South Africa while Chapter 9 focuses on the role of Language Boards in restricting freedom of writing and expression during the apartheid years.
Chapter 10 is a general conclusion that encapsulates the main points of the thesis. / African Languages / D. Litt, et Phil. (African Languages)
|
| 44 |
David Kramer – an unauthorised biography and creative nonfiction : writing an unauthorised biography of David KramerMaccani, Mario 24 October 2011 (has links)
This study is comprised of two parts: an unauthorised biography of the South African musician David Kramer, as well as a reflective look at the process of writing this biography. In this regard the following aspects were looked at closely: finding an appropriate style, biography versus propaganda, conjecturing, the bilingual nature of the text, problems of research, ethics, influences, make-believe, approach to the subject, intertextuality, and fictionalisation. The central question of the biography is to highlight the success of a fellow Worcester (the author’s hometown) boy. The central research questions of the thesis are the fictionalisation of the nonfiction text, intertextuality, and the question of a text written in both English and Afrikaans. With regard to the aforementioned fictionalisation, a biographical text is classified as “nonfiction”, because it deals with a real person and real events. However, a text such as David Kramer – an unauthorised biography presents an alternative perspective, in that the narrative often moves into fiction, or “creative nonfiction”. Written texts are traditionally divided into two fields: fiction or nonfiction. Nonfiction is deemed to be fact, truth, whereas fiction is the fruit of an author’s imagination. But perhaps the notion of truth versus untruth is too limited, and one should include the words “objectivity” and “subjectivity”. Some texts incorporate both elements, be they newspaper editorials which are mostly opinion, advertisements which are highly subjective, or biographies such as Taraborrelli’s Madonna – An Intimate Biography, which often reads as a novel. This doctoral thesis looks at David Kramer – an unauthorised biography, which is at times “faction”, to illuminate the sections where the text fell somewhere between fiction or nonfiction. In attempting this exercise, intertextuality was useful in two ways. Firstly, to ground the text in a reality the reader could believe, as it brought “real” things to the text, such as song lyrics, photographs, et cetera, all things which brought some credibility to the truth of the text, and secondly to place the events being described in a certain timeframe. The use of English and Afrikaans in the biography was to reflect that Kramer uses both languages in his songs, and furthermore, to give an idea of the South Africa at the time of Kramer’s early success: the divides of English/Afrikaans, white/black, liberal/conservative. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Unit for Creative Writing / Unrestricted
|
| 45 |
Einfluss des lymphatischen Systems auf die Entwicklung einer Herzinsuffizienz durch Erhöhung der Nachlast / Effect of lymphoid cells on the progression of pressure overload-induced heart failureSasse, André 06 December 2017 (has links)
No description available.
|
| 46 |
Realpolitik and Iran's post-Saddam strategy for Iraq / Realpolitik and Iran's strategy for post-Saddam IraqGutzwiller, Ryan R. 06 1900 (has links)
Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Throughout history, threats emerging from Iran's frontiers have significantly influenced its security policies towards Iraq. Given Operations Iraqi Freedom and Enduring Freedom, Iran's security environment has changed a great deal. Does Iran have a strategy for post-Saddam Iraq and, if so, what is it? With few exceptions, Kenneth Waltz's Realpolitik and balance-of-power theories have guided Iran's security policy decisions. The combined effects of Iran's formative history, individual and institutional agendas, and national interests form the foundation for a Realpolitik strategy aimed at preventing a resurgent "anti-Teheran" government in Iraq. Pragmatism, consensus, influence, and competition appear to be the watchwords for an assertive strategy built upon military prudence and cross-border, multi-disciplined engagement. Iran is putting its internal political and economic house in order so as to achieve greater effectiveness in the pursuit of its national interests vis-a-vis Iraq and the United States. While an alliance is unlikely, there is alignment with the U.S.-led coalition's strategic interests in Iraq. / Major, United States Marine Corps
|
| 47 |
韓國公共電視工會運動發展－以2012年MBC罷工為例 / The Development of Korea Public TV Union Movement: The Case Study of MBC Strike in 2012田育志, Tian, Yu Jhih Unknown Date (has links)
韓國公共電視之一的MBC，因新聞報導立場不公、社長金在哲利用人事權力不當解雇批判執政黨的製作人與記者，造成MBC喪失公正放送的意義，員工為捍衛公共電視的價值，在工會的帶領下，於2012年1月底展開長達170天的罷工。為了解這場罷工的前因後果，以及對台韓媒體工會運動帶來的意義，本研究透過深度訪談與次級資料分析，檢視2012年MBC罷工的事前、事中與事後經過。
研究發現，導致MBC工會發起罷工的事前原因，來自於MBC政治朋黨化下親執政黨立場的管理階層，與李明博政府欲將MBC私有化而影響MBC節目內容走向的舉動，破壞了MBC身為公共電視應保有的「公正放送」價值。而罷工當時，MBC工會成員的高度參與，社會大眾與其他媒體工會的聲援，促使這場罷工得以延續長達170天。可惜的是，罷工結束後，MBC不僅無力保障公正放送，阻止MBC的政治朋黨化與私有化，更造成勞資間原有的團體協約中斷；MBC工會認為，短期之內可藉由社長選任制度的改革著手，而長期則要仰賴執政者對公共電視獨立地位的認可，才有希望達到公正放送的目標。
另外，這場為捍衛「公正放送」而展開的罷工行動，也可發現除了薪資與福利之外，媒體工作者的「專業價值」也是工會在意的勞動條件；這就是本研究在分析2012年MBC罷工後，所觀察到工會在「民主性功能」的展現。同時，民主性功能也是未來台灣學術研究上，可以用以分析媒體工會的另一觀點。 / As one of the public TV networks in Korea, MBC has lost the impartiality of broadcasting for its biased news reports and the unfair dismissal by the MBC’s president, Kim Jae-Chul, of producers and journalists who criticized the government. For protecting the value as a public TV, MBC employees ,led by the MBC union, started a 170-day strike in January, 2012. In order to realize the causes and effects of this strike, and the implications for the media union movement both in Taiwan and Korea, this study will examine the causes, the processes and the effects of the strike by using in-depth interview and secondary data analysis.
According to the research data, the causes of the strike were due to political factions of MBC’s executive management and the ruling party, and the privatization of the MBC by Lee Myeong-Bak Administration; those two causes destroyed the impartiality of broadcasting, which was the central value that the public TV was supposed to protect. The strike had continued for 170 days with a high degree of participation from the MBC union and the supports from other media unions and the citizens. Unfortunately, after the strike, MBC was still neither able to protect the impartiality of broadcasting nor to maintain the organizational contract between the union and the management. Talking about the protecting of the impartiality of broadcasting, the MBC union considered that it could be a short-term target to reform the election system of president in MBC, but in the long-term, it needs the ruler to take the public TV as an independent media.
Besides, through the strike which was started by protecting “the impartiality of broadcasting”, we can find out that not only the wage and welfare, but the professional values of media workers is the working condition that a union will be concerned about. And it’s so-called “the function of democracy” of the union which is a research finding by analyzing the MBC strike in 2012. Furthermore, the academic circle in Taiwan can also take the function of democracy as another viewpoint to analyze the media union.
|
| 48 |
Gespräche in einer Krise : Analyse von Telefonaten mit einem RAF-Mitglied während der Okkupation der westdeutschen Botschaft in Stockholm 1975 / Conversations in a crisis : Analysis of telephone communication with a member of the red army faction during the 1975 occupation of the West German embassy in Stockholmvon der Heiden, Gregor January 2009 (has links)
When crises develop, people are confronted with difficulties beyond those experienced in normal everyday activities. Due to the perceived threats inherent to such situations, familiar behaviors may prove ineffective, and such attempts can pose dangerous and unpredictable risks. Crises are extreme situations, occurring at the very edges of human experience. Oral communication in such situations cannot be casual; the seriousness of the situation demands exceptional communicative performance on the part of the participants. Therefore, certainties about everyday communication conventions are called into question. The following work examines conversations during which the participants were involved in an extreme situation. In this particular crisis, a politically motivated kidnapping, the personal involvement of the interlocutors is substantial. A clear and present fear of the situation escalating and the possibility of a failure to anticipate the resulting reactions from the other party(ies) characterize the communicative acts of those involved. Recorded telephone calls during the occupation of the West German Embassy in Stockholm by members of the Red Army Faction (RAF) on April 24, 1975 comprise the basis for this analysis. One of the occupiers speaks with various interlocutors located in an adjacent embassy building. These interlocutors are relatives of the hostages, the Swedish Minister of Justice, and a German official charged with leading the negotiations. In this study, the communicative processes of the crisis are reconstructed. In order to show how the interlocutors attempt to reach their goals in this tense situation with the resources available to them, as well as what they in fact achieve, ethnographic methods of analysis have been employed. This study shows how, despite strong conflicting interests and motives, a shared reality is built through the actions of the interlocutors. The interaction between two key figures in the early stages of the crisis can even be characterized as a form of coalition building. An explanation as to why this collaboration is not retained in the subsequent course of the events, however, leading to an escalation of the situation, is also presented. Furthermore, the following work sets forth qualities needed to interactively build a coalition in a precarious crisis situation, which has arisen between parties characterized by diametrically opposed aims.
|
Page generated in 0.0921 seconds