La siguiente investigación tiene como objetivo estudiar la función del cartel digital como medio de artivismo en la lucha feminista peruana del 2016 al 2020. En consecuencia, la hipótesis sostiene que el cartel digital feminista tiene la responsabilidad social de informar y denunciar a través del diseño artivista que utiliza ciertos códigos y características como ilustración, color, tipografía, entre otros elementos gráficos representativos del movimiento.   La investigación se centró en el estudio cualitativo de catorce carteles oficiales escogidos en asambleas por colectivos feministas peruanos, utilizados en tres fechas representativas del movimiento feminista que se reiteran cada año; el 8 de marzo, día Internacional de la Mujer, en el mes de agosto la marcha Ni Una Menos y el 25 de noviembre, día Internacional de la Eliminación de la Violencia Contra la Mujer. Asimismo, los resultados obtenidos en el análisis visual fueron complementados con la realización de entrevistas a especialistas, y un cuestionario dirigido a mujeres segmentadas por ser el público objetivo de los colectivos feministas. Entre los principales resultados podemos encontrar que la representación de la mujer cumple un rol de suma importancia en el cartel, con el objetivo de conectar con las mujeres peruanas, además, existe una búsqueda consciente de representación sin importar la edad, etnia o sexualidad. También se logró evidenciar que el mensaje en los carteles tiene relación con el contexto político peruano que acontecen cerca de las fechas de las manifestaciones. Por último, se logró concluir que la función del cartel digital feminista no solo cumple con la responsabilidad social de informar y denunciar injusticias, sino también crear códigos visuales que consolidan y crean una identidad para el movimiento. / The following research aims to study the function of the digital poster as a means of artivism in the Peruvian feminist struggle from 2016 to 2020. Consequently, the hypothesis maintains that the feminist digital poster has the social responsibility to inform and denounce through artivist design that uses certain codes and characteristics such as illustration, color, typography, among other graphic elements representative of the movement. The research focused on the qualitative study of the category of official posters chosen in assemblies by Peruvian feminist collectives, used on three representative dates of the feminist movement that are repeated each year; on March 8, International Women's Day, in August the Ni Una Menos march and on November 25, International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women. Likewise, the results obtained in the visual analysis were complemented by conducting interviews with specialists, and a questionnaire directed at women who were segmented because they were the target audience of feminist groups. Among the main results we can find that the representation of women plays a very important role in the poster, with the aim of connecting with Peruvian women, in addition, there is a conscious search for representation regardless of age, ethnicity or sexuality. It was also possible to show that the message on the posters is related to the Peruvian political context that takes place near the dates of the demonstrations. Finally, it was concluded that the function of the feminist digital poster not only fulfills the social responsibility of informing and denouncing injustices, but also creating visual codes that consolidate and create an identity for the movement. / Trabajo de investigación

Orientador: José Leonardo do Nascimento / Banca: Rejane Coutinho / Banca: Loris Graldi Rampazzo / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como tema a visão dos modernistas sobre o universo feminino, a partir de KLAXON - Mensário de Arte Moderna, primeiro periódico modernista. Foram utilizados conceitos do sociólogo francês Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002), como referência teórica para estabelecer ligações entre o campo artístico e o campo social, no momento em que aconteceram os movimentos Modernista e Feminista emergentes. A investigação seguiu os rumos que a arte brasileira tomava para a inserção da mulher neste campo, como agente ativo, tendo em mente, principalmente, o papel desempenhado pela pintora Anita Malfatti enquanto "estopim do modernismo". O período analisado compreende as mudanças ocorridas no final do século XIX (com a aceitação de matrícula de mulheres na Academia Nacional de Belas Artes), no Rio de Janeiro e se estende até o início da década de 30, quando o Modernismo se consolida como movimento com grande participação feminina. O recorte se dá com base nas artistas citadas em KLAXON: Agnes Ayres (1898-1940), Anita Malfatti (1889-1963), Antonietta Rudge (Miller) (1885-1974), Bebé Daniels (1901-1971), Céline Arnauld (1893-1952), Gloria Swanson (1899-1983), Guiomar Novaes (1894-1979), Perola White (Pearl White) (1889-1938), Sarah Bernhardt (1844- 1923), Tarsila do Amaral (1886-1973) e Zina Aita (1900-1967). Inclui, também, o estudo de três textos sobre mulheres: Sarah, de Rubens de Moraes; As Cortesãs (das canções gregas), de Guilherme de Almeida; e A Extraordinária História da Mulher que se tornou Infinita, de Antonio Carlos Couto de Barros. Os resultados apontam uma visão mais aberta sobre o universo feminino, em relação ao século precedente, mas ainda com aspectos conservadores / Abstract: This work aims to reveal the judgments of Brazilian male modern artists concerning to female universe, and adopts as a main stream of arguments "KLAXON" - a monthly magazine of Modern Art, and the very first newspaper of Modernist Movement, in Brazil. Therefore, concepts and theories of the French-sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) were equally applied in order to put in a well-connected association some events from artistic camp and those from social camp, just a time when both Modernist and Feminist movements were exactly taking place in Arts and in society. This investigation keeps on following the route that had to be traced on Brazilian art and that had to give to those women some insertion at a powerful artistic scale, an example to have in mind is that one taken from the presence of the Brazilian female painter Anita Malfatti, whose role was very important for the so called "boom of Modernist Movement". The historical period analyzed includes the changes that occurred by the final of the XIX century, when women were being admitted on the "Academia Nacional de Belas Artes", in Rio de Janeiro, and its goes up to the end of the 30's, a period when Modernist Movement is consolidated as a real movement, accompanied from a large contribution of women. The most precious examples that can be illustrated with female artists' presence, cited by KLAXON, are: Agnes Ayres (1898-1940), Anita Malfatti (1889-1963), Antonietta Rudge (Miller) (1885-1974), Bebé Daniels (1901-1971), Céline Arnauld (1893-1952), Gloria Swanson (1899-1983), Guiomar Novaes (1894-1979), Perola White (Pearl White) (1889- 1938), Sarah Bernhardt (1844-1923), Tarsila do Amaral (1886-1973) e Zina Aita (1900- 1967). It also includes a study of three texts about women: Sarah, by Rubens de Moraes; As Cortesãs ("The Courtesans", those from the Greek songs), by Guilherme de Almeida; and A Extraordinária História da Mulher que se tornou Infinita / Mestre

[pt] Este trabalho utiliza a sociologia dos movimentos sociais para descrever o movimento brasileiro contemporâneo de mulheres e sua relação com a democracia no período democrático iniciado na década de 1980. O objetivo da pesquisa é apontar elementos que expliquem as dinâmicas de funcionamento do movimento de mulheres do Brasil, as características de sua organização no processo de construção do sujeito político e de sua ação política coletiva no pleito de conquista de direitos. Ao apresentar três estratégias de incidência política do movimento de mulheres – quais sejam políticas públicas para as mulheres, trabalho doméstico e enfrentamento à violência contra as mulheres –, o trabalho estabelece a relação direta da ação desse movimento social com a conquista e a efetivação de direitos como políticas públicas específicas de ampliação da cidadania das mulheres, legislação trabalhista para trabalhadoras domésticas e para o fim da violência doméstica e familiar contra a mulher. / [en] This work uses the sociology of social movements to describe the contemporary Brazilian women s movement and its relation to democracy in the democratic period begun in the 1980s. The objective of the research is to point out elements that explain the dynamics of the Brazilian women s movement, the characteristics of its organization along the process constructing the political subject and its collective political action in the struggle for the conquest of rights. In presenting three strategies of political influence of the women s movement – namely public policies for women, domestic work and facing violence against women –, the study establishes the direct relation of the action of this social movement with the conquest and application of rights such as specific public policies to increase women s citizenship, labor legislation for domestic workers, and a specialized law to end domestic violence against women.

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-01-16T10:33:17Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Talita Cabral Machado - 2016.pdf: 10778516 bytes, checksum: 417bb00d8aeb9113635bcff51c19c8a5 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-01-16T10:33:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Talita Cabral Machado - 2016.pdf: 10778516 bytes, checksum: 417bb00d8aeb9113635bcff51c19c8a5 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-16T10:33:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Talita Cabral Machado - 2016.pdf: 10778516 bytes, checksum: 417bb00d8aeb9113635bcff51c19c8a5 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research deals with appropriations of the urban space of Goiânia, GO, by women who take or took part in local feminist groups or movements. The work aims at understanding different processes of appropriation, production and qualification of urban spaces by women militants, whether black or white, lesbian, heterosexual or bisexual, young or old, scholastic or not, dwelling in the suburbs or not, and from several social classes. The chosen methodology makes use of feminist leadership narratives, by means of semi-structured interviews and participatory mapping techniques. The theoretical assumptions are based on readings about intersectionality, difference and Feminist Geography. It was noted that, in spite of the fear of being on the streets, the women occupy this space collectively through different actions. The feminist activity on these places happens based on their experiences between them, by which they constitute themselves as feminists and, at the same time, shaping various feminisms. Amid a number of limitations, in a relation with and between the spaces of the city, the women create and recreate them. There is a constitution of a mosaic of spacial representations, achieved by mapping the spacializations noted in the narratives, such as the headquarters of the entities, places of occupation, leisure, meeting, demonstration, and of the trajectory of militancy itself. This mosaic is a means of noting and raising issues related to gender, race, class and sexuality. The different identities of feminists and of the groups that they take part on are reflected in the localization and in the ways of site occupation. For instance, the lesbian women are the ones that occupy the most of places located in the city center for militant leisure, and the black feminists are the ones who appropriate peripheral sites. We noted that women, when occupying and performing actions in the urban space, take into account the logic of organization of the city in politic-administrative regions, as well as the differentiations between center and suburbs. The ways of feminist occupations are different in each region of Goiânia. The mapping allowed us to make their interventions stand out, each on its own expression in the city. Lastly, it is possible to think about an intersectional approach and the difference of space to understand, by means of their collective actions, that women intervene in various ways on the process of urban framing. / Este estudo trata das apropriações do espaço urbano de Goiânia (GO), realizadas pelas mulheres que participam ou participaram de grupos dos movimentos feministas locais. O objetivo é compreender diferentes processos de apropriação, produção e qualificação do espaço da cidade realizados por militantes negras, brancas, lésbicas, heterossexuais, bissexuais, com diferentes idades, acadêmicas ou não, residentes em periferias distantes ou não e de diversas classes sociais. A metodologia adotada utiliza-se das narrativas de lideranças feministas, por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas e das técnicas de mapeamento participativo. Os pressupostos teóricos são baseados em leituras sobre interseccionalidade, diferença e da Geografia Feminista. Observamos que apesar do sentimento de medo ao estarem nas ruas, as mulheres ocupam coletivamente esse espaço, através de diversas ações. As ações feministas nos lugares acontecem a partir da vivência entre as mulheres, onde elas se constroem como feministas e constroem, ao mesmo tempo, os feminismos. Em meio a uma série de limitações, numa relação com e entre os lugares da cidade, as mulheres os criam e recriam. Através do mapeamento das espacializações presentes nas narrativas, como as sedes das entidades, os locais de ocupação, lazer, encontros e manifestações, das trajetórias das militantes etc. há a constituição de um mosaico de representações espaciais. Diante dele, as questões e diferenças de gênero, raciais, de classe e da sexualidade são percebidas e levantadas. As diferentes identidades das feministas e dos grupos os quais elas participam se refletem na localização e nas formas de ocupação dos lugares. Por exemplo, as mulheres lésbicas são as que mais se apropriam, para o lazer militante, de lugares localizados na região central e no período da noite e as feministas negras são as que mais se apropriam de lugares mais periféricos. Notamos que as mulheres ao ocuparem e construírem ações no espaço urbano, levam em conta as lógicas de organização da cidade em regiões político-administrativas, assim como as diferenciações entre “centro” e “periferia”. As formas de ocupações feministas são diferenciadas de acordo com cada região de Goiânia. A construção dos mapas possibilitou dar visibilidade às intervenções realizadas pelas mulheres em suas diferentes expressões na cidade. Por fim, é possível pensar uma abordagem interseccional e da diferença do espaço e entender, por meio de suas ações coletivas, que as mulheres intervêm de diferentes formas no processo de construção do urbano.

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-06-05T17:55:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MarianaVeras.pdf: 1144379 bytes, checksum: 2557a866018630f9d70b5804a1396c60 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-05T17:55:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MarianaVeras.pdf: 1144379 bytes, checksum: 2557a866018630f9d70b5804a1396c60 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-18 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa e ao Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico do Maranhão (FAPEMA) / The BC is a federal government program aimed at early childhood, with the aim of stimulating the creation of day care centers and opening new places in existing day care centers for children aged 0-3 and thus reducing the inequality of access to education between the poor and the rich. It is part of the programs developed by the Social Assistance Policy in the context of reconfigurations of social policies under the impositions of neoliberal capital. The objective was to analyze this Program in São Luís-MA, in the current context of Social Assistance in relation to meeting the demands of women mothers and children from 0 to 6 years of age by daycare centers in the period from 2012 to 2015. It counted on the contribution (1 public and 2 community) located in the neighborhoods of Palmeira Village, Guardian Angel and Embratel Village, 12 mothers-women with children aged 0-6 enrolled in PBF-BC and 2 representatives of the Municipal Secretariat of Education of São Luís (SEMED) and 3 pedagogical directors/coordinators of the day care centers. The conception of day care that guided the study was public policy, social and universal right of urban and rural workers (and) and children up to 5 years of age to education, which has the duty of the State to guarantee it as a public good, free and of quality. This is a critical and qualitative study, which shows that daycare continues to be a "subpriority" of municipalities, and that the Program did not cover the historical demands, because parents still find it difficult to find places in public facilities, Which entails the transfer of responsibility of the municipality to private institutions, whether philanthropic or community. And these, in turn, also showed difficulties in receiving the encouragement of FUNDEB via BC. Situations that contradict BC's purposes and goals and, consequently, have not been able to change the quantitative and qualitative reality of day care centers in São Luís and the poorest families to whom the Program is intended. / O BC é um programa do governo federal voltado à primeira infância, cuja finalidade é estimular a criação de creches, bem como a abertura de novas vagas em creches já existentes para crianças de 0-3 anos, visando diminuir a desigualdade de acesso à educação entre pobres e ricos. Esta pesquisa encontra-se no rol de programas desenvolvidos pela Política de Assistência Social, no contexto de reconfigurações das políticas sociais sob as imposições do capital neoliberal. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o programa BC em São Luís, no cenário da Assistência Social, no que diz respeito ao atendimento das demandas das mulheres-mães e das crianças de 0 a 6 anos de idade por creches, no período de 2012 a 2015. Para a sua elaboração, contou-se com aportes teóricos, documentais e pesquisa empírica realizada em três creches, sendo uma pública e duas comunitárias, localizadas nos bairros Vila Palmeira, Anjo da Guarda e Vila Embratel. Foram entrevistadas doze mulheres-mães, com filhos de 0-6 anos, todas cadastradas no PBF-BC; duas representantes da Secretaria Municipal de Educação de São Luís (SEMED) e três diretoras/coordenadoras pedagógicas das creches eleitas. A concepção de creche que norteou o estudo foi a de política pública, direito social e universal de trabalhadores urbanos e rurais, e de crianças de até 5 anos à educação, que tem no Estado o dever de garanti-lo como um bem público, gratuito e de qualidade. Este é um estudo crítico e de natureza qualitativa, o qual mostra que a creche continua a ser uma “subprioridade” dos municípios, e que o Programa não abarcou das demandas históricas, pelo fato dos pais sentirem ainda dificuldades em acharem vagas nos equipamentos públicos, o que acarreta a transferência de responsabilidade do município para instituições particulares, sejam filantrópicas ou comunitárias. E que estas, por sua vez, também mostraram dificuldades em receber o incentivo do FUNDEB via BC. Situações que contradizem propósitos e metas do BC e, consequentemente, não tem conseguido alterar a realidade quantitativa e qualitativa das creches em São Luís e nem das famílias mais pobres, a quem o Programa se destina.

Dès la fin du dix-huitième siècle, des voix s’élèvent pour défendre la cause des femmes et dénoncer les inégalités dont elles sont victimes par rapport aux hommes au sein de la société britannique. On peut songer, notamment, à Mary Wollstonecraft dont le célèbre pamphlet, très controversé intitulé : A Vindication of the Rights of Woman est publié en 1792. Néanmoins, si les arguments avancés par Mary Wollstonecraft ont eu une influence certaine, on ne saurait parler à la fin du dix-huitième siècle, de naissance du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne. Ainsi, ce n’est que vers les années 1850-1860, dans le contexte de la Révolution Industrielle et des bouleversements qu’elle engendre au niveau de la société, que se constitue, progressivement le mouvement féministe, en tant que tel. Cette thèse a pour objet de retracer et d’analyser le cheminement qui a conduit à l’émergence du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne sachant que le terme féministe appliqué à cette période pose un certain nombre de problèmes. Il s’agira également de mettre en lumière certains aspects du mouvement féministe auxquels la recherche s’est souvent moins intéressée et notamment, la contribution active de certains hommes au combat mené par les féministes pour la reconnaissance des droits des femmes en matière de droit de propriété pour les femmes mariées et de droit de vote, la question de la filiation entre la première génération de militantes féministes et les suffragettes sera aussi l'objet d'une étude approfondie. / In the eighteenth century, certain women took their pen and resolved to expose the inequalities they were confronted with as women, within British society. The most famous one is probably Mary Wollstonecraft whose controversial pamphlet entitled : A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was published in 1792. However, this new awareness did not result at least in the eighteenth century, in the emergence of an organized feminist movement. How did feminist consciousnesss gradually give rise to concrete actions, leading to the emergence of an organized feminist movement? In fact, it was only around 1850-1860, within the context of the Industrial Revolution, and its consequences on British society as a whole, that an organized feminist movement gradually took shape in Great-Britain. We should nevertheless bear in mind the problematic nature of the term feminist as applied to this period.The object of this dissertation will be to identify and examine the various stages that led to the emergence of an organized feminist movement, while enhancing some of its specific aspects such as, partnership between men and women or the issue of the links between suffragists and suffragettes in terms of continuity and discontinuity.

This research gives an academic perspective on eleven articles written by Doria Shafiq and published in Bint an-Nīl 1948-1956, where the ideological undertones of her feminist discourse were critically examined. The purpose of this qualitative analysis was to study how Shafiq, in an Egyptian context, discussed the contemporary women's societal participation and status, but also which ideological values and conceptions were prominent in her articles. Gayatri Spivak’s reconceptualization of representation and Chandra Mohanty’s identification of ethnocentrism in feminist discourse, were drawn upon to examine representation, agency, essentialisation and Eurocentrism. An extensive linguistic analysis and examination of the socio-cultural context were conducted, using Norman Fairclough’s Dialectical-Relational Approach. The results showed that women’s agency was grammatically reduced and that women in object formation were described as a monolithic entity. Conflicting statements exhibited an ideological shift in the content, as a reflection of how the contemporary political conditions changed in Egypt. Doria Shafiq both reproduced a patriarchal discourse that perpetuated discursive victimisation of women, but also subtly induced liberal values and progressive depictions of the contemporary Egyptian woman.

[ES] Este trabajo de investigación trata de explorar y comprender la situación que se vive en Palestina de la mano de algunas de sus protagonistas, mujeres activistas y comprometidas que con su vida cotidiana luchan y resisten a una injusta ocupación y colonización llevada a cabo por el Estado de Israel. Desde un posicionamiento epistemológico activista y feminista me acercaré a ellas, a sus prácticas y a sus discursos, con el fin de entender, en primer lugar, qué tipo de violencias experimentan sus vidas y qué herramientas y tecnologías utiliza el Estado israelí para construir un aparato neocolonial racista y violento que deshumaniza las vidas palestinas. Pero también trataré de averiguar cómo hacen frente estas mujeres a todas estas violencias. Aprenderé de sus discursos decoloniales a deconstruir la imagen islamófoba que ha construido Occidente sobre las mujeres musulmanas con hiyab, supuestamente víctimas y sumisas; y analizaré sus prácticas de lucha y resistencia, comprendiendo que la no-violencia y la solidaridad internacionalista feminista son el camino hacia la rehumanización de las, en palabras de Butler, vidas que no merecen ser lloradas. / [CA] Aquest treball de recerca tracta d'explorar i comprendre la situació que es viu en Palestina de la mà d'algunes de les seues protagonistes, dones activistes i compromeses que amb la seua vida quotidiana lluiten i resisteixen a una injusta ocupació i colonització duta a terme per l'Estat d'Israel. Des d'un posicionament epistemològic activista i feminista m'acostaré a elles, a les seues pràctiques i als seus discursos, amb la finalitat d'entendre, en primer lloc, quin tipus de violències experimenten les seues vides i quines eines i tecnologies utilitza l'Estat israelià per a construir un aparell neocolonial racista i violent que deshumanitza les vides palestines. Però també tractaré d'esbrinar com fan front aquestes dones a totes aquestes violències. Aprendré dels seus discursos decolonials a desconstruir l'imatge islamòfoba que ha construït Occident sobre les dones musulmanes amb hijab, suposadament víctimes i submises; i analitzaré les seues pràctiques de lluita i resistència, comprenent que la no-violència i la solidaritat internacionalista feminista són el camí cap a la rehumanització de les, en paraules de Butler, vides que no mereixen ser plorades. / [EN] This research work tries to explore and understand the situation that exists in Palestine from some of its protagonists' voices, activist and committed women who, with their daily lives, fight and resist an unjust occupation and colonization carried out by the State of Israel. From an activist and feminist epistemological position, I will approach them, their practices and their discourses, in order to understand, in the first place, what kind of violence are their lives experience and what tools and technologies the Israeli State uses to build a neocolonial, racist and violent apparatus that dehumanizes Palestinian lives. But I will also try to find out how these women face all this violence. I will learn from her decolonial speeches to deconstruct the Islamophobic image that the West has built on Muslim women with hijab, supposedly victims and submissive; and I will analyze their practices of struggle and resistance, understanding that non-violence and feminist internationalist solidarity are the ways to rehumanize those, in Butler's words, lives that do not deserve to be mourned. / Fuente Espinosa, MTDL. (2022). Ellas "enseñan vida": experiencias de lucha y resistencia de las mujeres palestinas. Un análisis desde la solidaridad feminista internacionalista [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/182384 / TESIS

[pt] Em um período marcado pela repressão durante a ditadura militar no Brasil, quando houve um agravamento da situação econômica da maioria da população negra e pobre abandonada pelo Estado, movimentos sociais conseguiram obter visibilidade pela luta por direitos e pelo retorno à democracia. A partir da análise de fontes primárias – a Carta das Mulheres Brasileiras aos Constituintes elaborada pelo Conselho Nacional dos Direitos da Mulher (CNDM) e os jornais publicados pelo Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU), incluindo o documento elaborado na Convenção Nacional do Negro pela Constituinte –, foi possível perceber que, durante a elaboração da Constituição de 1988, o movimento das mulheres negras construiu diálogos marcados por tensões com o MNU e com as mulheres pertencentes ao CNDM no movimento feminista. Isso promoveu diálogos também marcados por tensões entre o CNDM e o MNU em razão da convergência das propostas que lidam com questões sensíveis à comunidade negra, às mulheres negras em especial, na Carta das Mulheres Brasileiras aos Constituintes e nas reivindicações presentes nos periódicos do Movimento Negro Unificado, com destaque especial para o documento da Convenção Nacional do Negro pela Constituinte. Documentos esses que influenciaram os direitos previstos na Constituição de 1988, ameaçados atualmente em tempos de agendas reacionárias ligadas ao exercício autoritário da política. / [en] In a period marked by repression during the military dictatorship in Brazil, when there was a worsening in the economic situation of the majority of the black and poor population abandoned by the State, social movements have managed to gain visibility for the struggle for rights and for the return or democracy. From analyzing primary sources – the Brazilian Women s Letter to the Constituents prepared by the National Council for Women s Rights (CNDM) and the Unified Black Movement (MNU) papers, including the document prepared by the Black National Convention for the Constituent Assembly –, it was possible to realize that, during the elaboration of the Constitution of 1988, the Black Women s Movement has established dialogues marked by tensions with MNU and the women who belong to CNDM in the Feminist Movement. This has promoted dialogues also marked by tensions between CNDM and MNU due to the convergence of proposals that deal with sensitive issues to the black community, black women in particular, in the Brazilian Women s Letter to the Constituents and in the demands present in the Unified Black Movement papers, with special emphasis on the document of the Black National Convention for the Constituent Assembly. These documents have influenced the rights provided for in the Constitution of 1988, which are currently threatened in times of reactionary agendas linked to the authoritarian exercise of politics.

This study investigates how the feminist movement in the city of São Paulo, Brazil, relates to the International Women’s Strike – a transnational feminist mass strike launched by the Argentinian feminist collective Ni Una Menos in 2017. Based on a qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews conducted with representatives of 10 feminist organizations in São Paulo, this text explores the feasibility of a feminist strike in the context of São Paulo and highlights the structural challenges in its implementation. In addition, the text employs a qualitative literature review to examine the ways in which women in São Paulo have resorted to the strike as an instrument of their resistance since the early 20th century. Theoretically drawing on the theories of direct action and institutionalization of social movements, this work constitutes a synthesis of previous debates and sheds light on the implications that the institutionalization of the Brazilian feminist movement has had on the viability of direct actions such as the feminist strike. A central finding indicates a relative consensus that the feminist movement in São Paulo must first build a massive and popular feminist movement, before an inclusive and intersectional feminist strike can be carried out.