Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur skolklassens kollektiva attityder till utbildning påverkas av enskilda elevers utbildningskapital enligt Ida Lidegrans definition, och hur förutsättningar till utbildning kan skilja beroende på eventuella skillnader mellan de olika geografiska platser som skolor är. Detta eftersom gymnasiestudierna blir än viktigare i takt med att efterfrågan på eftergymnasial kompetens eftersöks i högre utsträckning. Enkätundersökningar med elever från två olika skolor i Köping genomfördes för att utreda elevernas utbildningskapital, gymnasieval och inställning till eftergymnasial utbildning. Gruppintervjuer med elever och enskilda intervjuer med skolornas respektive studie- och yrkesvägledare genomfördes för att närmare undersöka attityder till utbildning och vilka incitament som kan påverka elevernas gymnasieval och inställning till utbildning. Resultaten jämfördes sedan mellan skolorna för att undersöka eventuella skillnader i förutsättningar baserat på geografisk plats. Undersökningen visade hur enskilda individers utbildningskapital smittar av sig och etablerar en kollektiv kultur inom en skolklass, en kultur som klassens alla medlemmar kan ta del av oavsett eget utbildningskapital. Det går alltså att argumentera för att förutsättningar till utbildning skiljer sig baserat på geografisk plats.

Globalization in today's societies has resulted in many individuals around the world being able to identify themselves as world citizens. However, Sweden's different locations and regions are both what individuals take for granted as well as what most Swedes call home. Identity development is something that is constantly happening in humans as an active actor, but what it is that influences a certain type of development is not as obvious. Often there is a link between who you are as an individual and where this individual has grown up, which indicates a reciprocity between location and identity development. One requires the other. A geographic location can be a nation, region, city, or neighborhood. Geographical locations also contribute to a sense of identity, such as property, ownership and community that defines the individual or group's identity in the form of a sense of belonging. Identifying with a certain geographic location can produce a certain perception of the location that in turn may affect how individuals develop their own identity. The aim of the study was to investigate: "How geographical locations are understood in relation to identity creation and identity development in Luleå Municipality". From this point of view, four research questions are derived; “What is the connection between an individual's identity and its place of residence?” “What influences individuals' choice of residence? “What are the conditions and expectations for different geographical locations?” “How do respondents discuss culture, norms and values regarding different geographical locations?” The study has a qualitative approach where women between 20-30 years of age have been interviewed to find out their opinion about the study. The geographical location common to the respondents in this study is Luleå county, half of the respondents have grown up in Luleå while the rest have moved up from another geographical location to Luleå to study at the University of Technology in Luleå. The results based on current theoretical frameworks and empiricism show that the place where the interviewees have grown up is something that has contributed to their identity development. What all the interviewees described as important to their identity was that they feel that they have a sense of belonging with the place and the locals. As well as they feel that they can both be accepted as well as spurred to develop their identity. The interviewees who had experienced that their expectations and circumstances have not been considered at their geographical location have moved to other places, which shows how important the place is for identity. / Globaliseringen i dagens samhälle har resulterat i att många individer världen över kan identifiera sig som världsmedborgare. Dock är Sveriges olika platser och regioner något som individer tar förgivet likväl som att det är något som de flesta bosatta i Sverige kallar för hem. Identitetsskapande och identitetsutveckling är något som ständigt sker hos människan som en aktiv aktör, men vad det är som influerar en viss typ av utveckling är inte lika självklart. Ofta finns det en koppling mellan vem man är som individ och var denna individ har vuxit upp, vilket tyder på en ömsesidighet mellan plats och identitetsutveckling. Det ena kräver det andra. En geografisk plats kan vara en nation, region, stad eller stadsdel. Geografiska platser bidrar även till en känsla av identitet, som egendom, ägande och gemenskap som konkret definierar individen eller gruppens identitet i form av en känsla av tillhörighet. Att identifiera sig med en viss geografisk plats kan frambringa en viss uppfattning av platsen, som i sin tur kan komma att påverka hur individer utvecklar sin identitet. Studiens syfte är att undersöka: ”Hur geografiska platser förstås i relation med identitetsskapande och identitetsutveckling i Luleå kommun”. Från detta syfte härleds fyra forskningsfrågor: ”Hur ser kopplingen ut mellan en individs identitet och dess bostadsort?” ”Vad är det som influerar individer vid val av bostadsort?” ”Vad finns det för förutsättningar och förväntningar för olika geografiska platser?” ”Hur resonerar intervjupersonerna kring kultur, normer och värderingar avseende olika geografiska platser?” Studien har ett kvalitativt angreppssätt där kvinnor mellan 20–30 år har blivit intervjuade för att ta reda på deras uppfattning kring studiens ämne. Den geografiska plats som är gemensam för intervjupersonerna i denna studie är Luleå kommun. Hälften av intervjupersonerna har vuxit upp i Luleå medan resterande har flyttat till Luleå från en annan geografisk plats för att studera vid Luleå tekniska universitet. Resultatet visar på att platsen som intervjupersonerna har vuxit upp på är något som har bidragit till deras identitetsutveckling. Det som samtliga intervjupersoner beskrev var viktigt för deras identitet var att de upplever att de har en tillhörighet till staden och lokalbefolkningen på platsen samt att de känner att de både kan bli accepterade likväl som sporrade att utvecklas. De intervjupersoner som upplevt att deras förväntningar och förutsättningar inte har beaktats på en geografisk plats har sökt sig till andra platser som tillåter detta vilket visar på hur viktig platsen är för identiteten.

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Some Location Based Services (LBS) can automatically find geographic locations that are relevant to the everyday smartphone user. A relevant location, or place, is a location that is of some significance to a user, e.g. home, workplace, airports or stores. Knowledge of these places can be used to enhance a smartphone application. However, most approaches to finding places are coarse, and simply define a place with a circle or polygon representing a geographical area. Instead this paper explored the feasibility of defining a place by using the natural boundaries found in the information of a map. The developed algorithm calculated the center of a cluster of location points by adding biased weights to each point. A close proximity of the center point was then searched for certain types of map elements such as buildings or parks. Because of time restrictions, map images were used instead of the underlying data. The developed algorithm found the correct place in 78% of the 45 test cases. In 15% of the cases it could not find anything, mainly because the map did not contain sufficiently detailed information about buildings outside of cities. The remaining 7% were incorrect results, some of which might have been remedied by more detailed map information. Overall the suggested approach was viable when a user had been in a building, park, or other clearly defined place, and when there was sufficiently detailed map information. To further this research an algorithm that processes geographical data directly instead of using map images could be tested. It would avoid some of the problems created by having an image as a middle layer between data and algorithm. / Vissa tjänster baserade på användarens geografiska position kan automatiskt hitta områden som är relevanta för en smartphoneanvändare. En relevant plats är ett område som har någon betydelse för en användare, till exempel ett hem, en arbetsplats, flygplats eller butik. Information om dessa platser kan användas för att berika en smartphoneapplikation. De flesta ansatser till att hitta relevanta platser är mindre detaljerade, och definierar en plats med en cirkel eller polygon som beskriver ett geografiskt område. Den här uppsatsen utforskar istället om det är möjligt att definiera en plats genom att använda naturliga gränser som finns i informationen på en karta. Den utvecklade algoritmen beräknade mittpunkten av ett cluster av GPS-punkter genom att partiskt ge varje punkt en vikt. Den sökte sedan igenom ett område runt mittpunkten efter en viss typ av kartelement, till exempel byggnader eller parker. På grund av tidbegränsningar användes kartbilder istället för underliggande geografisk data. Den utvecklade algoritmen hittade rätt plats i 78% av de 45 testfallen. I 15% av fallen hittade den ingen plats, främst på grund av att kartan saknade information om byggnader utanför städer. De resterande 7% var inkorrekta resultat, varav vissa skulle kunna räddats om kartan innehöll information om byggnaderna i området. Generellt var den föreslagna strategin användbar främst när en användare hade varit i en byggnad, park eller annan tydligt avgränsad plats, och när kartan innehöll tillräckligt detaljerad information. För att fortsätta denna undersökning kan en algoritm som använder den underliggande geografiska datan istället för en kartbild utvecklas. Det skulle undvika vissa av problemen som skapas av att ha en bild som mellanlager mellan data och algoritm.

The purpose of this study is to see how preschool playgrounds offer children anenvironment that inspires them to movement and physical activity in terms of size,material, and vegetation.Previous research shows that children that have access to a preschool playground that isat least 3000 sqm or 40 sqm per child and that have a variation of vegetation is morelikely to engage in physical activity than children that have a preschool playground that isless than 3000 sqm and that have none or very little vegetation. The research also showsthat preschool playgrounds need to have space for the children to be able to get up tospeed and have materials that are of a movement-inspiring nature and which does notcontribute to sedentary or stationary. We have linked this study to the outdoorpedagogical perspective because it looks at the possibilities of the environment and to thetotality between place material and its interplay.We have gathered information by making observations and by contacting officials in thetargeted areas which we have chosen in Stockholm to collect data about the sizes of allpreschool playgrounds in the area. In order to make the observations we made a checklistof what we needed to observe to get the most accurate results. To know which preschoolsto observe we analyzed the data we collected from the officials in the target areas. Wepicked the preschools with the smallest and the biggest preschool playgrounds in thetarget areas and began our observations.During our observations we could see that our formulated questions are consistent withthe results. The result shows that the larger the preschool playground is, the morepossibility of movement and physical activity it offers to children. We could also see thatthe farther away the preschools were from the city, the bigger they got, and morevegetation was integrated in the environment. We could also see that in comparisonbetween the smaller and the larger preschool playgrounds, the material was moreinspiring to movement and physical activities in the larger ones.

This study aims to deepen knowledge of young people with a migration background in Sweden, particularly those with non-European backgrounds, and their transitions from school to work. The focus is on young people with uncompleted upper secondary education (USE), drawing on their life stories, and exploring their perceptions and experiences around school failure, entering the labour market, and/or not being in education, employment or training (NEET). Theoretically the study analyses individuals’ career decisions from an agency-structure perspective, drawing on careership theory, in particular the notions of pragmatic-rational choices, routines, turning-points and horizons of action (Hodkinson & Sparkes 1997), combined with theories on ‘otherness’ (Hall 1990; 1999, Anthias 2002, Balibar 2004, Trondman 2007), and the notion of socio-geographic space (Bourdieu 1986a; Bourdieu 1999, Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1996). Methodologically, the thesis is based on narrative research, and the empirical material comprise life stories of twenty young people (men and women) about their lives, school experiences and time after leaving school. The careers of the young people were developed in fields where they had subordinate positions, based on their family’s mostly limited social, economic and cultural capital, their own short education and limited experience, and the otherness they encoun­tered. Against this background, their educational and labour market career choices are under­stood as pragmatic-rational, enabled and limited by the resulting horizons of action. However, the collected nar­ra­tives suggest that their horizons of action developed from the time they left school when they made different pragmatic-rational choices that changed their posi­tions. Nevertheless, career choices were often made within a bounded agency and reduced op­por­tunities as a consequence of school failure and their own scarce resources. The learning and interaction taking place within the routine periods are both crucial for understanding processes that result in school failure and the subsequent extend­ed period of establishment in working and adult life, and change of horizons of action and habitus. The narratives of the young people showed that school failures and dropout are com­plex and extended processes that are related to education and family, as well as access to power and capital. They also encountered difference-making through the predominant images and discourses of 'immigration' as a social problem and by being located in a specific socio-geo­graphic space that limited their possibilities for action. The family was highly significant and, in most cases, represented security and continuity. The family’s present situation and future was crucial to the young adults, which affected their choices. Hence, their own horizon of action also included the family’s opportunities and horizon of action. The study indicates that there is sometimes reason to speak of a collective horizon of action rather than just an individual one. Institutional and informal support together with young people’s agency may enable positive career development in spite of a lack of resources provided to the young, particularly if schools and other institu­tions would provide more professional and timely support. The overall conclusion is that it would not have taken much investment of resources and effort to have prevented school failure for a large proportion of the twenty young adults in this study. That is the good news. / Osäkra övergångar. Unga utan fullständig gymnasieutbildning: vägarna och åtgärderna i longitudinellt perspektiv