人類如何傳達訊息？如何感知世界？人類認知概念從語言形式上看到概念隱喻，看到的不只是語言現象，是概念之間的互動，諺語即為隱喻現象豐富的語言形式之一。人類面對隱喻表現時，透過隱喻機制運作，以及文化背景影響，產生概念隱喻，利於人們理解，因而有諺語的形成。 Lakoff & Turner (1989) 提及人類與動物在物種階層上是密切的。本論文將以動物為取材，透過觀察客家動物諺語之隱喻表現，探究其中動物來源域和人類目標域間的互動。然而客家諺語中的動物隱喻是如何展現與客家文化的關係，藉由多源一義、一源多義的隱喻展現，以隱喻概念為基礎之分析，同時了解文化約制。進一步，以概念隱喻機制概述客家動物諺語在人類認知中如何運作，給予人類如何理解隱喻表現更完整的解釋。 / How do people communicate? In what way do we sense the world? Conceptual metaphor embedded in many language expressions are understood through conceptual correlations. Among the many language expressions, proverbs manifest a common kind of metaphor used in our daily life. Through uncovering the cognitive mechanisms operated in the metaphor of proverbs, we understand not only the language but also cultural thoughts. This thesis investigates metaphor in Hakka animal proverbs. According to Lakoff &Turner (1989), humans and animals are highly related in species, both showing certain attributes and behaviors. Animal proverbs, often exhibiting animal attributes and behaviors, are used to carry certain social-pragmatic function of educating human beings. This study explores the conceptual metaphor of animal proverbs, generalizing the semantic features of animal source domains and the main themes of target domains. With the analysis of general patterns of the many‐sources‐to‐a‐target and a‐source‐to‐many-targets relationships of these proverbs, the study has not only shown how people understand animal metaphor in mind but also demonstrated Hakka cultural specifics in animal metaphor.

Le monde chinois ou sinophone ne se limite pas à la Chine continentale, mais il s’étend au-delà de l’État-nation qui est souvent perçu comme étant le phare médiatique de la culture chinoise. La langue chinoise est aussi parlée dans d’autres pays comme Taïwan et Singapour où elle a un statut officiel; elle est aussi langue d’enseignement en Malaisie et à travers la diaspora.Ce monde sinophone n’est pas unilingue et comprend non seulement les langues des minorités officielles définies par la Constitution de la République populaire de Chine, mais aussi les autres langues chinoises, telles le shanghaïen, le cantonais ou le hokkien pour ne citer que les trois langues chinoises jouissant d’un certain prestige. À Taïwan, société multilingue et multiculturelle, à côté des trois langues chinoises, le mandarin, le hokkien, sous sa dénomination locale de taïwanais, et le hakka sont aussi des langues couramment utilisées dans les médias et plus récemment dans le système éducatif ; à leurs côtés se trouvent plusieurs langues aborigènes qui sont encouragées par le gouvernement et jouissent d’une image positive dans la population Han. Cette diversité linguistique est reflétée dans le cinéma différemment en Chine et dans les autres pays sinophones. En Chine, les minorités ethniques ont longtemps été reléguées au statut de sujet anthropologique et présentées au cinéma d’un point de vue paternaliste reflétant une attitude « orientaliste » telle que théorisée par Edward W. Said. Ce n’est que récemment que le cinéma chinois a commencé à produire des films où les minorités ethniques prennent la parole et sont incarnées par des protagonistes prenant en main leur destin. La situation à Taïwan est plus diversifiée : après l’occupation japonaise la majorité des films était en taïwanais mais l’investissement important de la part des autorités dans des productions sophistiquées en couleur a rapidement vu la fin des productions en taïwanais pendant plusieurs décennies. Ce n’est que vers la fin de l’état de siège au milieu des années 1980 que le cinéma taïwanais recommencé à faire usage d’autres langues que le mandarin ; par contraste avec les périodes précédentes, on assiste surtout à des films multilingues reflétant le mélange multiculturel et linguistique de la société taïwanaise du passé aussi bien que du présent.La relative liberté du cinéma sinophone de refléter les pays de langue chinoise dans leur diversité culturelle, d’articuler les contacts entre minorités ethniques en Chine et la majorité Han, comme dans Kekexili ; le souci de réalisme culturel, linguistique, sociétale et historique comme dans Seediq Bale à Taïwan ; le portrait d’une société multilingue à Singapour telle qu’elle est décrite dans Singapore Dreaming sont les signes avant-coureurs que la société sinophone ne se réduit pas à un seul pays et que sur la scène internationale il sera impossible de considérer la Chine comme seule détentrice d’une culture sinophone. Le développement de ce cinéma sinophone dans les festivals étrangers, sur les plateformes de diffusion vidéo ou de salles de cinéma montre qu’il existe un intérêt pour le cinéma sinophone qui est perçu comme une fenêtre sur la culture, la politique et les sociétés de ses composantes. Il sert aussi d’échange entre les différents pays et régions du monde sinophone et pourrait bien être le premier élément d’une culture sinophone transnationale et transculturelle. Dans ce contexte transnational, Taïwan, comme l’avance June Yip à maintes reprises dans Envisioning Taiwan - Fiction, Cinema and the Nation in the Cultural Imaginary, pourrait être le premier pays à avoir abandonné le concept d’État nation et fait preuve d’avant-garde au même titre que le cinéma sinophone transnational. / The Chinese speaking world is not limited to Mainland China. It extends beyond Continental China, a country often perceived as the beacon of Chinese culture. Mandarin and other Chinese languages are spoken in Taiwan and Singapore where the former is an official language. Mandarin is also used as a teaching medium in Malaysia and throughout the diaspora.The sinosphere, as it is increasingly being referred to, is not a unilingual society but also includes not only ethnic minorities languages as defined by the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, but also other Chinese languages such as Shanghainese, Cantonese or Hokkien (a.k.a. Taiwanese); these three languages being the most prestigious among others. Taiwan is a multicultural and multilingual society and includes three Chinese languages, Mandarin, Taiwanese and Hakka that are widely used in the media and have recently been made part of the school curriculum; in addition to these languages are found aboriginal languages that are encouraged by the government and enjoy a positive image in the majority Han population.China and other sinophone countries differ in their treatment of this linguistic diversity.In China, ethnic minorities have long been viewed and filmed as an anthropological topic and often examined with a paternalistic slant similar to “orientalist” attitudes as proposed by Edward W. Said. Chinese cinema has only recently started to produce films where ethnic minorities speak for themselves and ethnic protagonists take hold of their own future. At the same time Chinese-language films shot in other Chinese languages are still a relatively rare occurrence, probably due to the official policy of promoting Mandarin as the national normative language.Taiwan presents a more diversified situation: after the Japanese occupation, the majority of films was in Taiwanese, but an important investment drive from government authorities resulting in sophisticated colour productions saw the end of Taiwanese-language productions for many years. One would have to wait for the end of martial law near the middle of the 1980’s to see a return of films featuring non-Mandarin languages; in contrast to preceding periods, the majority of these films was multilingual and reflected the real multicultural and linguistic mix of contemporary and past Taiwanese society.In Singapore and Malaysia, an increasing number of films portray characters switching freely from one language to another.The retrocession to Mainland China of the former British colony, Hong Kong, has triggered an examination of its relationship with the People’s Republic and several films feature interaction between mainlanders and Hong Kong inhabitants.The relative freedom that is enjoyed by Chinese-language cinema to reflect sinophone countries and their cultural diversity; to articulate contacts between ethnic minorities and the Han majority, as in Kekexili; the preoccupation with cultural, linguistic, societal and historical realism as in Seediq Bale in Taiwan; the exposé of multilingual Singaporean society as described in Singapore Dreaming demonstrate that sinophone society is not restricted to one country and that, on the international scene, it will be impossible to consider China as the sole representative and owner of sinophone culture. It is also a means of exchange between the different countries and regions of the sinophone world and could well turn out to be the first element in the construction of a transnational and transcultural sinophone culture. In this transnational context, as proposed in many instances by June Yip in Envisioning Taiwan - Fiction, Cinema and the Nation in the Cultural Imaginary, Taiwan could be the first country to have relinquished the concept of a Nation State and proven to be at the forefront of change in a similar vein with transnational sinophone cinema.

本文以「嘗會」為研究的主題，並於前面加上「客家」一詞，是希望突顯以客家為主題的論述與特性，藉此來瞭解客家人的文化特徵，故從歷史脈絡看來，研究地區若非屬早期客家人開墾的地方，則未列入研究場域，冀望透過這樣的研究思維，並運用比較研究觀點，呈現出西湖溪流域內客家嘗會之一般與核心的文化特徵。 研究動機除了對客家嘗會的核心文化特徵加以探討外，亦綜合前人對中國傳統社會宗族理論成果之探討，運用於本文之研究；期望透過宗族相關理論的應用，並藉由西湖溪流域嘗會的族產統計分析，以達成研究目的，包含探討的早期宗族分布的情況、有哪些宗族對流域拓墾較具代表性、嘗會與宗族發展甚或對聚落發展的關聯性等；再以西湖溪流域客家嘗會為核心的觀察，探析國家政策與社會變遷對嘗會的挑戰。研究方法上，則採用文獻分析、參與觀察以及深度訪談。在資料處理方面，則運用2009年政府地政機關有關嘗會族產的公務登記資料為基礎，進而以統計方法加以整理、歸納、分析，並與相關文獻分析結果做比較與對話，以進一步提升研究資料分析結果之信度與效度。 研究結果發現客家嘗會可探析客家人早期來台拓墾的宗族發展的脈絡與聚落發展的關聯性，亦可分析出流域內前五大姓氏宗族分別依序為賴、李、彭、劉、邱，並可探討嘗會於客家地方社會發展的意義與特質；而「嘗」所展現的形式上與實質上的意涵，代表著客家人獨特的文化特徵，惟這些客家文化的特殊性，不僅正面臨社會轉型與時代變遷的衝擊，亦面臨著從日治時期政府以來，國家政策前所未有的挑戰。 / This paper takes Hakka Ancestral Estate Associations（嘗會cang hui）as the subject of the study. As the term “cang hui” is used only by the Hakka ethnic group in both mainland China and Taiwan, this study is to explore the characteristics and Hakka people and its culture features. Therefore, in terms of historical context, the region for the research is limited only to Xihu River basin area where early Hakka immigrants settled. Through this kind of study and by comparing various research points of view about cang hui, this paper hopes to present the general and core cultural characteristics of Hakka Ancestral Estate Associations in Xihu River Basin. In addition to exploring the core cultural characteristics of Hakka Ancestral Estate Associations, the study also deals with and applies discussions and findings of previous theories on traditional Chinese society lineage, hoping that through the application of lineage related theory and the statistical analysis of the Hakka Ancestral Estate Associations in Xihu River Basin to attain the research purposes. The purposes are the situation of the early lineage distribution, lineages which are more representative of the development of Xihu River Basin, the relationship between the development of Hakka Ancestral Estate Associations and the development of the lineage, and the relevance of the development of settlement, etc. The Hakka Ancestral Estate Associations in Xihu River Basin is the core observation. In addition, this study discusses further the impact of government policy and social change on the Hakka Ancestral Estate Associations. In terms of research method, we use document analysis, participation in observation and in-depth interviews. About data processing, we use the official registration information of the property of Ancestral Estate Associations owned by the government's land office in 2009 and then adopt suitable statistical methods to sort, summarize, analyze and compare the result of related historical documents to enhance the reliability and validity of the research data analysis results. The study finds that Hakka Ancestral Estate Associations can explore the relationship between the historical context of lineage development and the development of settlements in the early history. We can also use it to find that family names of the top five lineages in the river basin are Lai, Li, Peng, Liu and Chiu. Besides, we can analyze the meaning and characteristics of Hakka Ancestral Estate Associations in Hakka society. While formal and realistic meaning of “Chang”(嘗) represents Hakka people’s unique cultural characteristics, this uniqueness is not only facing the impact of social transformation and the change of the times, but also facing unprecedented challenges by government policy since Japanese Reign.

本篇論文是以宜蘭縣為範圍，討論一個具有民族特色的祭祀圈輪祀組織－－khiam，其信仰表相與民族底相。在信仰表相上，筆者透過普查方式，瞭解蘭陽平原上51間使用khiam的廟群現況與地理分布；在民族底相上，筆者透過史料蒐羅、族譜與施添福教授在《蘭陽平原的傳統聚落—理論架構與基本資料》所提供的基本資料，加上筆者田野調查所得的訪問資料，來討論一個隱性的民族：來自福建省漳州府的詔安縣客家移民，在蘭陽平原上的分布狀態。然後，再將khiam的空間分布圖、形成類型與詔安客的分布型態作一疊合比對的工作，找出khiam與詔安客的關係。最後，我們把研究場域移至台灣西部的雲林縣西螺鎮，比較蘭陽平原的khiam與西螺七khiam的在人群分布、使用語言、khiam的規模、形成與變遷以及民族認同等面相的差異，並藉由兩者的比較，來凸顯蘭陽平原khiam祭祀組織的區域特色與民族特色。 在研究方法上，我們使用了區域性普查與更深入的參與觀察，輔以文獻資料的分析比對，而有下列四個發現： （一） khiam是什麼？ khiam是一種具有民族特色的祭祀圈輪祀組織，khiam這個詞彙來自詔安客語，本義為「角落」。 （二） khiam的信仰特色 1. 廟數統計：宜蘭縣境內共48間使用khiam的廟宇，另有3間廟過去曾有過khiam，現已消失。 2. 神種統計：以三山國王（15間）佔多數，其次為三官大帝（5間）和開台國聖（5間），三山國王比例遠高於其他神種。 3. 祭典活動：多數廟宇以中元普渡作為khiam輪祀組織的主要祭典。 4. 形成類型：可分為原生型（35間）、移入型（13間）、消失型（3間）三種。 （三） khiam的區域分佈現象 以鄉鎮分，冬山鄉最多；以區域分，沿山多於沿海、溪南多於溪北，並呈現帶狀分佈與散狀分佈的現象。 （四） 詔安客的區域分佈現象 1. 詔安客分布集中於沿山地帶，且溪南多於溪北。 2. 詔安客分布的集中度以20％為界，聚落內總戶口數20％以上者為高密度分布區，20％以下者為低密度分布區。其高密度分布區集中在冬山鄉、員山鄉、礁溪鄉和壯圍鄉，以及宜蘭市與三星鄉的一小部分；姓仔底的分布區域也大致吻合高密度分布區的狀況。 （五） khiam與詔安客的關係 1. 詔安客人口比例與khiam原生型成正相關，而詔安客人口比例越低，khiam類型的變異性越高。 2. 從地理分佈來看，khiam廟群的帶狀分佈區與詔安客的高密度分佈區，兩者出現極大的重疊性。 本研究的貢獻，在於祭祀圈研究視野的擴展。透過區域研究以及民族學的角度，將過去人類學與宗教學者在祭祀圈研究上偏重信徒組織、廟際關係或儀式行為的傳統，拓展至台灣的聚落形成、民族分佈等面向。經由史料、文獻、地圖、族譜與田野調查資料的交互比對，來說明「khiam」祭祀圈組織的區域分布意義，並揭露其民族底蘊，以及蘭陽平原傳統聚落的民族樣貌。 / This thesis deals with the khiam, an ethnically distinct religious system in Yilan County. Both the religious and the ethnic aspect of the khiam are discussed. A census of fifty-one temples located on the Lanyan Plain serves my survey of the religious aspect of the khiam, which uncovers the present situation and the geographical distribution of the local temple community. On the other hand, I employ historical records, pedigrees of the local clans, materials offered by Professor Teng-fu Shih’s Traditional Villages on the Lanyan Plain: Theoretical Structure and Basic Information and information I gathered from my own oral history works as the base upon which to discuss the distribution of a “recessive” ethnic group on the Lanyan Plain, the Hakka immigrants from the Zhao’an County of the Fujian Province, China. Further comparative analyses of the geographical distribution and types of the khiam and the distribution of the Zhao’an Hakka identify the close relation between the khiam and the Zhao’an Hakka. In the last chapter of this thesis, I compare the khiam on the Lanyan Plain and that in Xiluo, a town in Yunlin County in western Taiwan. Differences in language and demographical distribution between these two ethnic groups, the formation, changes, and the scale of their khiam, and their ethnic identity all show the local and ethnic characteristics of the khiam on the Lanyan Plain. My research methods i.e. general surveys and further observations in local areas as well as analysis of historical records lead me to four discoveries: 1. What is khiam? Khiam is an ethnically distinct religious system, every sub-groups of which in turns undertakes the responsibility to preside at the annual worship ceremonies. The term khiam stemmed from the Zhao’an Hakka language, which originally means “locus.” 2. Religious characteristics of the khiam (a) Statistics of temples: There are forty-eight temples in the entire Yilan County that exercise the khiam. Besides, there are three other temples in which the khiam was once employed but is no longer performed today. (b) Statistics of deities: Sanshan guowang (三山國王) are the most worshiped deities (15 temples); Sanguan dadi (三官大帝, 5 temples) and Kaitai guosheng (開台國聖, 5 temples) come in the next place. Sanshan guowang are much more often being worshiped than other deities. (c) Ritual practices: in most temples, zhongyuan pudu (中元普渡) is considered as the major ritual of the khiam system. (d) Types of formation: there are three types of formation of the khiam i.e. the primitive type (35 temples), the immigrant type (13 temples), and the vanishing type (3 temples). 3. Local distribution of the khiam In terms of administrative divisions, there are most khiam systems in Dongshan. In terms of geographical features, more khiam systems appear in mountainous areas than in coastal areas, and more appear south than north to rivers, which, respectively, are distributed in band or are scattered. 4. Local distribution of the Zhao’an Hakka (a) The Zhao’an Hakka people are intensively distributed in areas along the mountains, and apparently more to the south of rivers. (b) Twenty-percent marks the average distributive density of Zhao’an Hakka, namely, high density areas refer to those villages in which the number of Zhao’an Hakka households is higher than 20% of the total household number. Villages in which the Zhao’an Hakka households account for less than 20% of the total number are defined as low density areas. It shows that high density areas centralize in Dongshan, Yuanshan, Jiaoxi, Zhuanwei, and a small part of Yilan City and Sanxin. Distribution in Xingzaidi also approximately coincides with the distribution of high density areas. 5. The relationship between the khiam and Zhao’an Hakka (a) The primitive type of the khiam is positively interrelated to the population of Zhao’an Hakka. The lower the population density of the Zhao’an Hakka is, the greater is the variation in the types of the khiam. (b) In terms of geographical distribution, the banding distribution of khiam temple community largely overlaps the high density Zhao’an Hakka areas. This research, I wish, may contribute to broaden the vision of researches on religious spheres. Anthropologists and religion researchers have been placing disciple organizations, inter-temple relations, or traditions of ritual practices in the centrality of religious sphere research. Nonetheless, my adoption of ethnological methods and local studies in this thesis may push the discipline to probe into its other aspects such as the formation of villages in Taiwan and the distribution of ethnic groups. By means of cross comparison of historical records, documentations, maps, pedigrees, and fieldwork data, I attempt not only to clarify the local distribution of the khiam system but also disclose the substantiality of this ethnic group, and the cultural features of the traditional villages on the Lanyan Plain.

本文以客語移除類動詞為研究對象探索語意和形式的關係。動詞的語義透過詞彙分解化、概念結構、詞彙化、框架語義和顯像等機制帶出。後以Goldberg (1995, 2006)的構式理論為基礎，運用Iwata (2005a, b)建議的修正模式，對動詞和結構之間的整合，提出更精細、更詳盡的解釋。根據前述方法，我們初步將移除類動詞分為六個次分類，並呈現出他們在結構上被顯像的論元。最後帶入Iwata提出的模組，分析各次分類動詞和不同句子結構的結合情形和其後的語義表現。 / This paper aims to explore verbs of removal in Hakka with respect to the relationship between form and meaning. Following the constructional approach in the shape of Goldberg (1995, 2006) and Iwata (2005a, b), we display a finer mechanism for the integration of verbal meanings and constructions. Verbal meanings, L-meanings (Lexical Head Level Meaning), are carried out through the following concepts: decomposition, conceptual structure, conflation, frame, profiling. Constructional meanings or P-meanings (Phrasal Level Meaning), variants of L-meanings, are manifested by different constructions. In our preliminary analysis, we display six tentative subclasses of verbs of removal in Hakka, depending on their different lexicalized meanings. We also present the different roles they profile in phrasal expressions. Last, we demonstrate the integration of the verbal meaning and several constructions (e.g., BUN construction and LAU construction).

客語的「有」字就其語法功能而言可以作動詞、助動詞、及動詞補語用。就其意義上而言，「有」標示著領屬義、強調義、及結果完成義。在這些共時歧異的功能意義背後，實存在著一個核心意義---領有。本論文旨在用語法化理論將客語「有」字之共時分歧用法作一合理之解釋，而提出三個主張：第一、將存在的概念提升至更深層，將之視為領有義的預設。第二、將領有義分析為更基本的基模（source schemas）。第三、利用這些基本的基模來解釋「有」字的各種延伸意義。透過這樣的角度分析客語「有」字句，將可以更合理的解釋「有」的共時歧異現象。 / Hakka Yu 'to own, to possess' has various grammatical functions. It can function as a full-fledged verb, appear in a serial verb construction, serve as an auxiliary, and act as a verbal complement. With the structural complexity, Hakka Yu denotes possession, emphatic assertion and the existence of the resultative state of being. The divergent syntactic behaviors as well as the different functions of Hakka Yu do not share the same surface form by chance. The coincidence suggests that there must be an extant semantic core that links together all the seemingly unrelated functions exhibited by various syntactic structures of Yu. This thesis, aiming at linking the diversity of usage of Yu, claims that the structural divergence of Yu corresponds to the "cline of grammaticality," which synchronically refers to a continuum at one hand of which is a fuller lexical form, and at the opposite end, a reduced grammatical form. Three major claims are therefore advanced to account for the synchronic differences of Hakka Yu.

本論文應用隱喻與轉喻之理論觀點，探討台灣客語分類詞諺語之認知語意機制如何運作。首先，根據Kövecses and Radden (1998) 從認知語言學角度所提出的轉喻理論，分析台灣客語分類詞諺語中的轉喻類型。接著，本論文分析台灣客語分類詞諺語中隱喻機制的運作，結果發現普遍而言，隱喻都是以轉喻為基礎。此外，本研究針對Radden (2003) 所提出以轉喻為基礎的隱喻之四種來源分類提出修正。 除了呈現認知語意機制，文化制約之世界普遍性及台灣客家文化之特殊性也在台灣客語分類詞諺語中展現出來。最後，透過Lakoff and Turner (1989) 所提出的生命物種之大鏈隱喻，我們了解諺語所表達的最終概念是以人為中心，而且諺語通常帶有勸世的功能。簡言之，本論文藉由探討認知語意機制如何在台灣客語分類詞諺語中運作，呈現人類認知過程以及展現台灣客家文化。 / This thesis aims to explore how the cognitive mechanisms are operated in the classifiers and measure words in Taiwanese Hakka proverbial expressions, in particular metonymy, the interaction between metaphor and metonymy, idiomaticity, and cultural constraints. Since human conceptual system is fundamentally metaphorical in nature, classifiers, representing conceptual classification of the world, are found to manifest metonymically and metaphorically. First, based on the metonymic relationships proposed by Kövecses and Radden (1998), cases involving metonymy are carefully spelled out. Then, cases involving the interaction between metaphor and metonymy are elaborated. The metaphors activated in these cases are generally grounded in metonymy, which evidences that metaphors generally have a metonymic basis (Radden 2003). Apart from displaying cognitive mechanisms, the classifier/measure word proverbial expressions in Taiwanese Hakka exhibit Taiwanese Hakka-specific cultural constraints and near universality in conceptual metaphors (Kövecses 2002). Cases which are more specific to Taiwanese Hakka are semantically more opaque whereas cases which are more near universal are semantically more transparent (Gibbs 1995). Furthermore, through the GREAT CHAIN METAPHOR proposed by Lakoff and Turner (1989), we know that all the proverbial expressions are ultimately concerned about human beings. Moreover, proverbial expressions tend to carry pragmatic-social functions, conveying exhortations. In brief, the cognitive mechanisms of metonymy as well as the interaction between metaphor and metonymy are pervasively found in classifier/measure word proverbial expressions in Taiwanese Hakka. Through unraveling the conceptual mechanisms associated with classifiers and measure words in Taiwanese Hakka proverbial expressions, this study betters our understanding of human cognition in general and Taiwanese Hakka culture in particular.

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1986. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 62-68). Also available in print.

本文主要從句法(Syntax)與音韻(Phonology)的介面關係來探討東勢客語的陽平、陰平及陰去變調現象。本研究以語料庫為根據，觀察東勢客語變調的主要型態，並從句法與音韻的介面來定義變調範域(Tone Sandhi Domain)，包括音步(Foot)、音韻詞組(Phonological Phrase)、語調詞組(Intonational Phrase)等等。本文也發現變調規則必須以循環模式(Cyclic Mode)運作，而且三個變調規則的屬性皆不相同。陽平變調受音步規範、陰平變調較受音韻詞組規範，而陰去變調則不受音韻結構限制。 / This thesis explores the Yangping, Yinping and Yinqu Tone Sandhi Rules (YATSR, YITSR, YQTSR) in Dongshi Hakka from the perspective of the interface between syntax and phonology. According to a Dongshi Hakka Tone Sandhi (DHTS) corpus, this thesis presents the predominant tonal patterns of these rules, and defines the tone sandhi (TS) domain at the interface between syntax and phonology, including foot, phonological phrase, intonational phrase and so on. This thesis concludes that tone sandhi rules must apply in a cyclic mode, and that the three rules are subject to different prosodic structures. YATSR is conditioned by the foot, YITSR is better defined by the phonological phrase, while YQTSR is not structurally-bound.

Esta tesis analiza como cuestión fundamental las peculiaridades y diferencias de los hakka en el proceso de migración en China y Perú, y como cuestión de base, la supuesta invisibilidad que envuelve al grupo subétnico hakka. Se plantea una nueva mirada a un viejo tema: la inmigración china al Perú, a partir del estudio de un grupo específico, los hakka, desde su proceso de migración en China –siglo III y IV- hasta su llegada el Perú, en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Se pone en relieve la presencia permanente y tácita de los hakka como grupo importante en China y el Perú a partir de sus distintas manifestaciones culturales de índole material o inmaterial. Se emplea el método etnográfico con observación directa y participante, desde un enfoque cualitativo con entrevistas a profundidad, grupos focales, historias de vida e historias de clanes, testimonios y narrativas durante el trabajo de campo realizado en China y el Perú. Cabe destacar el uso de fuentes chinas y la traducción de materiales e informaciones vinculantes. Se concluye que los hakka son un grupo diferenciado dentro de la etnia Han, con dinámicas particulares en el proceso de migración, lo cual pone en evidencia y confirma la diversidad que existe entre los grupos de inmigrantes chinos que llegaron al Perú desde 1849. En el marco de los 170 años de la inmigración china en el Perú, esta investigación intenta diseccionar el bloque cantonés para poner en relieve al grupo hakka y sus valiosos aportes.