[pt] O presente estudo tem como objetivo investigar o problema da legitimidade democrática da atuação normativa das agências reguladoras no Brasil a partir da seguinte questão: Como pensar a legitimação da atividade de produção de normas dessas entidades administrativas brasileiras a partir da teoria discursiva do Direito e da democracia de Jürgen Habermas? O foco da análise são os desafios que uma teoria que explica os processos de integração e reprodução da sociedade a partir de um conceito de racionalidade situado entre a facticidade e a validade das ações sociais deve enfrentar, quando aplicada a realidades distintas daquela a partir da qual foi elaborada. Para tanto, assume- se, como ponto de referência, a obra de Paulo Todescan Lessa Mattos, que, em relação às agências reguladoras, é o principal representante de uma corrente analítica que enxerga, no modelo habermasiano de legitimação pelo procedimento discursivamente estruturado, uma saída teórica capaz de oferecer parâmetros normativos para a legitimação democrática da atuação normativa dessas entidades. O diálogo com a posição de Mattos e suas conclusões sobre o tema é constante ao longo do trabalho e estabelece a base sobre a qual são levantados alguns pontos problemáticos da tentativa de identificar, a partir da teoria de Habermas, potenciais de legitimação democrática nos espaços de participação popular institucionalizados no interior dos processos de tomada de decisão das agências reguladoras brasileiras. / [en] The main purpose of this work is to analyze the issue of democratic legitimacy of regulatory norms produced by independent agencies in Brazil, considering the following question: How to think about legitimating the lawmaking activity of these administrative entities according to Jürgen Habermas´ discourse theory of democracy and the law? The analysis focuses on the challenges that a theory which explains the integration and reproduction processes of modern societies through a concept of rationality situated between the facts and norms of social action must face, when applied to a reality that is different from the one that inspired its development. Thus, I take the work of Paulo Todescan Lessa Mattos, an authority in the topic of regulatory agencies, as a reference of an analytical perspective that sees in Habermas´ discursive model of procedural legitimation a way to find normative parameters to legitimate the norms of these entities. The dialog with Mattos´ argument and his conclusions is constant in this work, and it sets the basis for developing several problematic issues related to identifying, through Habermas´ theory, potentials of democratic legitimation in the institutionalized spaces of public participation within the decision-making processes of Brazilian regulatory agencies.

Submitted by Biblioteca Central (biblioteca@unicap.br) on 2017-12-12T18:28:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_francisca_iolani_fernandes_claudino.pdf: 70252035 bytes, checksum: 668a1ac4bf1aa9120231c6b3222e65de (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-12T18:28:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_francisca_iolani_fernandes_claudino.pdf: 70252035 bytes, checksum: 668a1ac4bf1aa9120231c6b3222e65de (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-06-28 / This Work discusses persons-who are bonded to the Focolari Movement - social practices (sociopolitical and religious protagonism), based - this work debate - in Jürgen Habermas “Communicative Reason” i. e. Jurgen Habermas’ conception through his “discourse Ethics”. In modern society, “Instrumental, Reason” in its exarcebated sense, typical to Capitalism, conveys, as a kind, a sort of channel, man actions toward determined upshots, so to say inescapable purposes. Human rapports tend, are conducted to degradation, to take profit from everything and everyone, to bargain; they are rapports that are analogous, in all senses, to purchase and selling. In deeper instances, love vulgar interpretation is confounded with egoism, mixes with selfishness with each one in seeks to gain greedly always to detriment to the noblest feelings that are supposed to be, at any cost, suppressed. Nevertheless, “The Theory of Communicative Action” aims at understanding, through language, having as parameter “Consensus” which the actors behave in at liberty. Language coordinates men actions: it pretends having, aims at having an emancipating function. One is dealing with an approach directed to human identity construction, building several aspects, in a social rapport which, i.e. the abovementioned approach, based, founded in the Focolari Movement, departing from Discourse Analysis about the gathered material through interviews rendered, made possible, workable a certain parallel, comparison between the life proposals that the Focolari Movement persons adopted as their life goal, their utmost life purpose, their “Art of Love” liveliness, as well as they embraced Universal Fraternity and unity in diversity ideals, between, so to say, all these conceptions and deeds and the “Communicative Action Theory” presuppositions, so to say: best argument practice is dialogue. It was, also, possible to observe, to verify that both these conceptions constitutive elements are intercomplementary, compatible in their nature, being both these of them, nearly, each other foundation. At least, as one understands Jürgen Habermas`s theory, on can the Focolari Movement`s ideas, so to say Ideal. This research’s nucleus is found in the values recognition that bestows a great sense, meaning to actions, deeds that bring forth to this studied group protagonism. / O presente Trabalho discute as práticas sociais de pessoas, ligadas ao Movimento dos Focolares, da cidade do Recife, (o protagonismo sociopolítico e religioso) fundamentado naquilo que Jürgen Habermas denomina “razão comunicativa”, através da “ética do discurso”. Na sociedade Moderna, a “razão instrumental” exacerbada, característica do Capitalismo, canaliza as ações para determinados fins utilitaristas. Os relacionamentos humanos, assim, tendem à degradação, a tirar proveito, à contratação: são relações análogas à compra e venda. Ainda mais, a vulgar interpretação do amor se mistura ao egoísmo em que cada um procura ganhar, e os nobres sentimentos desta maneira sempre se definham e são sufocados. No entanto, a Teoria da Ação Comunicativa visa ao entendimento, através da linguagem, tendo como parâmetro, o consenso, em que os atores agem na liberdade. A linguagem coordena as ações: pretende ter uma função emancipadora. Trata-se de uma abordagem direcionada aos vários aspectos da construção da identidade humana, na relação social. Partindo da analise do discurso do material colhido, nas entrevistas tornou viável traçar um paralelo entre as propostas de vida que as pessoas do Movimento dos Focolares assumiram, como meta, a vivência da “Arte de Amar”, da Fraternidade universal, da Unidade na diversidade e os pressupostos da Teoria da Ação Comunicativa, i é a prática do melhor argumento, o diálogo. Registro de análise dos depoimentos identificou a correspondência dos objetivos do Movimento dos Focolares com os conceitos de Racionalidade Comunicativa e da Ética do Discurso de Habermas. O cerne desta Pesquisa está no reconhecimento de valores que dão sentido a ações que levam ao protagonismo do grupo, em estudo.

During 2020 we have endured a long-lasting pandemic which has made an impact on daily life. The worklife could perhaps be the most affected area since a large portion of people have been forced to work from home. This could in turn lead to a troublesome relationship between the roles of private life and worklife, in other words an increase of work-life balance conflicts. This study aims to examine the consequences of telecommuting and the conditions required to achieve work-life balance. To conduct this study a qualitative method was used where ten parents of young children were interviewed. Earlier research performed on telecommuting has shown mixed results where various studies show either positive or negative outcomes. Our results show a mix of both positive and negative results depending on whether work-life balance is achieved or not. Different factors play a role in achieving work-life balance. Things such as personality, the stability of relationship and the characteristics of work play key roles in the outcome of telecommuting. The result shows that 2/10 did not achieve work-life balance, resulting in role conflict. However, 8/10 did achieve a balance between the roles where we argue for a symbiotic relationship. Most participants found telecommuting to be positive where participants value being able to spend more time with their families. Our results are in line with both the negative and positive findings of previous research. This contributes further to the uncertain results suggesting that more research is needed.

In this study, a qualitative text analysis will identify and present common arguments that are used in the discussion regarding euthanasia. The arguments will then be discussed, following Professor Jürgen Habermas's discourse ethics, to try to reach a mutual compromise and introduce a proposal on which prerequisites for euthanasia could be introduced in society. The study will conclude with an analysis of the pre-debated prerequisites against Professor Martha Nussbaum's capability approach and in so doing make a theoretical validity claim in Habermas's opinion.   What is then revealed in the result is that the proposed list of prerequisites made, is not perfect and the question arises if it is even possible. The theoretical claim of validity can be interpreted from different points of view and thus come up with conflicting answers. The consensus of this study shows that if euthanasia is to be implemented in a society, the prerequisites to be followed should be well-defined and clear.

Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2008-2009 / Étant donné l'universalité de la médiation linguistique conditionnant notre rapport au monde, à quoi fait-on référence lorsqu'on utilise le concept de "vérité" en épistémologie contemporaine? Doit-on nécessairement supposer que nos énoncés correspondent à une réalité extérieure pour faire sens du concept de vérité? Un réalisme sans la représentation est-il possible? Le présent mémoire tente de répondre à ces interrogations en exposant deux conceptions de la vérité radicalement différentes: celle de Jürgen Habermas et celle de Richard Rorty. Après une présentation des grandes répercussions du tournant linguistique sur les conceptions épistémologiques classiques, j'analyserai la position néopragmatiste rortienne qui affirme que le tournant linguistique a épuisé la validité conceptuelle du dualisme croyance-vérité. J'expliquerai en quoi consistent la position antiréaliste de Rorty, son traitement déflationniste de la distinction vérité-justification et ses thèses mélioristes. Cela me mènera à poser la question suivante: est-ce possible de préserver un concept transculturel de vérité après le tournant linguistique? Dans le but de répondre à cette question, j'exposerai la théorie épistémologique que développe Jürgen Habermas dans Vérité et justification. J'expliquerai la conception bidimensionnelle de la vérité qu'il y développe en insistant sur l'interaction constante des sphères de l'action et de la discussion. Cette exposition me permettra de procéder à une analyse exhaustive du débat entre ces deux auteurs. J'insisterai sur leurs désaccords concernant l'explication théorique, du point de vue des acteurs, du déroulement de la praxis quotidienne et des processus de justification.

L'espace public (1962) de Jürgen Habermas est souvent lu comme le premier ouvrage de sa carrière. Notre mémoire tâche de porter un éclairage différent sur celui-ci, de lire L'espace public comme point d'aboutissement de la pensée habermassienne des années 1950. Par l'exploration d'un certain nombre d'écrits mineurs et majeurs pré-1962, L'espace public se révèle une sorte de théorie critique de la société, encore fortement empreinte de marxisme, faisant figure de synthèse partielle des écrits de jeunesse. / Jürgen Habermas' The structural transformation of the public sphere (1962) is often read as the first landmark of his career. Our study sets out to shed a different light upon it, to read The structural transformation of the public sphere as the arrival point of Habermas' 1950s thought. While we explore a certain number of minor and major pre-1962 works, his thesis reveals itself as some kind of critical theory of society, still deeply rooted in Marxism, that embodies a partial synthesis of his early works.

La distance historique qui nous sépare de la publication de Vérité et méthode permet une meilleure intelligence de l’aspect universel de l’herméneutique de Hans-Georg Gadamer qui a suscité tant de débats immédiatement après la parution de son ouvrage. L’herméneute a en effet pu, dans plusieurs textes qu’il a écrits au cours des dernières décennies, préciser sa conception et mieux attester cette universalité, notamment en l’associant à l’universalité de la rhétorique elle-même. Un nouveau regard porté sur les divers débats suscités par cette prétention de l’universalité de l’herméneutique permet aussi de s’en faire une idée plus claire et limpide. Le présent mémoire se penche sur le sens à donner à l’universalité de l’herméneutique en tenant compte des sections décisives de Vérité et méthode qui y sont consacrées, des écrits plus tardifs de Gadamer sur la question et de la littérature secondaire afin de voir si cette prétention à l’universalité peut être défendue face aux critiques formulées par Jürgen Habermas. Nous soutiendrons dans ce mémoire que c’est le cas, mais aussi que la critique de Habermas a aidé Gadamer à mieux formuler et faire comprendre l’universalité de l’herméneutique. C’est précisément en tenant compte de l’apport de ceux qui pensent autrement que s’atteste l’universalité de l’herméneutique. / The historical distance that separates us from the publication of Truth and Method allows a better understanding of the universal aspect of hermeneutics defended by Hans-Georg Gadamer and which sparked so much debate immediately after the publication of his book. The hermeneut has indeed had the opportunity, in several texts he has written over the past decades, to specify his conception and better establish this universality, particularly by associating it with the universality of rhetoric itself. A survey of the various debates surrounding this universality claim of hermeneutics also helps to get a better picture of what is at stake. This essay looks at the meaning of universality of hermeneutics by considering the decisive sections of Truth and Method devoted to it, the later writings of Gadamer on the issue and the secondary literature to see if this claim to universality can be upheld against the criticism raised by Jürgen Habermas. We will argue in this paper that this is the case, but also that Habermas's criticism has helped Gadamer to better formulate and defend the universality of hermeneutics. It is precisely by taking into account the contribution of those who think differently that this universality of hermeneutics is demonstrated.

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

<p>A diverse variety of liberal thinkers agree that the peace, order, stability, and well-being of government and society rest upon a fundamental bedrock of shared opinion, sentiment, sympathies, meanings, understandings, beliefs, etc. They appear largely correct in making this supposition, for the requirement is built into the very logic of liberal democratic thinking. And yet, the very plausibility of such a shared political background has come into question particularly acutely for the present generation, and, in large part, as a result of the twin forces of pluralism and polarization.</p><p>The two central questions engaged by this study are: (a) is it still conceptually plausible to presuppose such a background, and if so, (b) under what terms does it make sense; in what way should this background be understood?</p><p>This study tackles this set of questions by means of a critical analysis of select and especially prominent, representative intellectual schools of the twentieth century, for which the theme of pluralism is meaningfully central: (a) John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas (as exemplars of the political liberal project), (b) Michel Foucault and contemporary North American neo-Foucauldians (of the discourse of difference), and (c) Carl Schmitt (of the reactionary politics of meaning). The three Parts of the study are dedicated to these three schools.</p><p>The guiding hypothesis of the study is the contention that political order is always already premised upon a shared political Leitkultur (guiding cultural horizon), that is, some sort of implicitly understood cultural formation, whose structure is mis-described as being either freestandingly postmetaphysical; strictly the work of completely self-transparent, pure human reason; or a subtle vehicle for pernicious normalization. As such, pluralism and polarization is always already bounded within this guiding cultural horizon. Presupposing that the three selected schools are meaningfully representative of the intellectual, pluralist alternatives available in the early twenty-first century, the critical analysis of these three schools bears out the study's central hypothesis.</p> / Dissertation