Nesta pesquisa analisamos passagens de A História dos Mensageiros e dos Reis, obra histórica de aṭ-Ṭabarī, estudioso que viveu entre os séculos nono e décimo da era cristã, no Iraque. A análise compreende o período em que governou o califa al-Ma\'mūn (198- 218 a.H./813-833 e.c.) e o momento anterior a isso, quando houve o conflito pelo califado entre esse califa e seu irmão, al-\'Amīn. Investigando premissas de políticas oficiais que favorecem ou desfavorecem a comunidade dos muçulmanos e de paradigmas religiosos que servem de guia para a compreensão da história do islã, corroboramos duas hipóteses acerca do escopo da História dos Mensageiros e dos Reis: a centralidade de sua preocupação com a comunidade dos muçulmanos e a produção de reflexões históricas. Apresentamos, antes da análise, uma breve discussão historiográfica do período de aṭ-Ṭabarī. Durante a análise e nas considerações finais, abordamos as operações narrativas internas de sua crônica histórica. / In this research, we analyze some episodes of the History of Messengers and Kings, aṭ-Ṭabarī\'s historical work, who lived between the ninth and tenth century of the Christian era, in Irak. The analysis comprehends the period when al-Ma\'mūn (198-218 AH/813-833 C.E.) was caliph and the moment right before it, when he was fighting against his brother al-\'Amīn for the caliphate. By investigating premises of official polices which acted in favor or against the muslim community and of the religious paradigms which served as guides to the comprehension of the history of Islam, we corroborate two hypothesis about the escope of the History of the Messengers and the Kings: the centrality of its concern with the muslim community and the production of historical reflections. Before the analysis, we present a brief historical discussion of aṭ-Ṭabarī\'s time. During the analysis and in the final considerations, we approach the internal narrative operations of his historical chronicle.

The intention of this essay was to conduct two comparative analytical units called, “Most Similar System Design" (MSSD). The first unit is Somalia and the other is Iraq. The main purpose of the essay is to study deeper in Somalia and Iraq’s democratization process and also to analyse the deference’s between these two countries based on democratization-process. The essay's key questions are: How did Iraq get further into the democratization-process compared to Somalia? Why couldn't Somalia make a successful democratization process like Iraq? The essay is implemented by Dankwart A. Rustows democratization factors. The results indicated that: (i) Somalia failed in its democratization-process, due to the absence of national unity and a rapid transition. One of the main obstacles was Puntland and Somaliland which hindered the national unity of Somalia. (ii) On the other hand, Iraq was different in its democratization- process. With the support of the United States, Iraq achieved great success in the unification of Iraqi civil society the embodiment of smooth transition. (iii) Finally, the conclusion indicates that: national unity, societal norms and a rapid transition were the decisive variables.

In 2014, the terrorist organization Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) emerged and carried out a brutalattack on ethnic minorities in Irak, especially northeastern Iraq. Several minority groups fell into thehands of ISIS and were tortured. One ethnic minority group that this study focuses on is the Yazidis.  The aim of this research for bachelor's degree in POLITICAL SCIENCE, is to draw attention to how therights of the Yazidis were violated after the ISIS attack in 2014 until today. The main question of thestudy is structured as follows: How were the rights of the Yazidis violated in connection with theemergence of ISIS in 2014 and onwards? The question will be answered based on Kymlicka’s theory ofmulticulturalism, which is based on three main pillars: self-government rights, polyethnic rights andspecial representation rights. The method used for this study was a qualitative case study that collecteddata to thoroughly and nuanced investigate the study's cases. In relation to the theoretical framework,method and empirical analysis, the purpose of the study has been achieved and the question has beenanswered. The results of this study are consistent with previous research that noted that ISIS had committed seriousand systematic human rights abuses and including war crimes. The Yazidis demand autonomy becauseof the prevailing circumstances in Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan, which are struggling to control the Yazidis.This has hampered the Yazidis' opportunities for employment in economic and political institutions,integration and political representation. Yazidis are in a vulnerable situation in Iraq where they areforced to assimilate or identify as either Kurds or Arabs in order to gain their rights. The ISIS attack leftan open gap that has not yet been resolved, and tensions between the groups are rising. The decisions ofthe majority society must take into account the views and interests of minority groups in order to reducethe barrier. Hard work by international bodies is needed to ensure and guarantee the survival and identityof the Yazidis in Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan.

The study aims to identify the reasons behind power shortages in the city Sulaymaniyah, located in northern Iraq or Iraqi Kurdistan, and to clarify how large the difference between power demand and supply is. Also, several interviews have been performed to give further insight to the issues and possibilities the region is facing. Nevertheless, a portion of the energy demand is met by local diesel generators supplying power in city districts. With the use of the software program ArcGIS, a mapping of all the diesel generators in the city districts is done in order to visualize the unsustainable conditions of the city. In addition, the energy output of the diesel generators is quantified, and the energy supplied to a household is estimated on an average. Later, calculations are performed to estimate the diesel generators price for electricity, their amount of annual CO 2 emissions and social costs. In order to bring light to renewable energy solutions, a solar PV configuration was chosen based on regulations and infrastructure issues in the region, suitable for households. Furthermore, with the use of intra-hour solar irradiance data from Meteonorm and the software Matlab, an optimal solar PV angle was calculated for Sulaymaniyah. Thereafter, the goal was to substitute diesel generated energy with solar PV energy and thus a solar PV system was estimated for a typical household based on; the average energy received from diesel generators, the solar PV system’s efficiency and the total solar irradiance striking the tilted panels. Furthermore, a Net Present Value was calculated to evaluate the economic profitability of the solar PV investment. Lastly, a sensitivity analysis was done with different scenarios to predict different outcomes of the NPV model. The study found that the energy system in Iraqi Kurdistan is unreliable and unsustainable, mostly due to infrastructure issues and political uncertainties. Due to these issues, power shortages occur on a daily basis and the difference between power supply and demand reached an average of 350 MW throughout 2018, and the largest difference reached 1304 MW. The number of diesel generators in the city was 525 and had a combined installed capacity of 176.6 MW, however they are usually working at 85 % operational efficiency resulting in a power supply of 150.1 MW. Additionally, it was estimated that a household receives an average of 920.07 W from the diesel generators. Furthermore, the calculated price for electricity was 207 IQD/kWh and all the generators combined pollutes approximately 319000 tons of CO 2 per year. The optimal angle for a solar panel in Sulaymaniyah was calculated to 21° and the recommended configuration for a solar PV system for households was a stand-alone battery storage system. In order for households to replace the diesel generators they need a capacity of 1.62 kW and a dimensioning of 9.66 m 2 . Finally, based on the NPV model it was found that it is economically profitable to invest in a solar PV system with today’s conditions. However, the investment is profitable with a relatively small margin and based on a scenario analysis, it showed that the investment might easily become unprofitable with the change of the discount rate. Lastly, it can be discussed that the actual demand in Sulaymaniyah is lower than the one presented, since it is artificial and very dependent on peoples consuming behaviors which might be different if they were to have access to electricity all the time. Also, one of the biggest obstacles that might hinder solar PVs to be integrated to the energy system is the net-metering, regulations and tariff issues. The KRG clearly does not give incentives to its people to invest in renewable energy, which also might be the reason why there is a very small market in Sulaymaniyah.

Examining Israel's measures against the nuclear weapons programs of Iraq, Syria, and Iran was the aim of this study. The research question is: Based on Walt's defensive realism and the balance of threat theory, why did Israel act/is acting against the Iraqi, Syrian and Iranian nuclear weapons programs?. Walt's defensive realism and the balance of threat theory, which is based on four separate threat components, are used to discuss and provide an answer to the main question of the research. Comparative case study was used as a method, and materials including speeches from government officials, databases of scientific research, and yearly assessments were used. The researcher came to the conclusion that Iraq 1981, Syria 2007 and Iran in 2009–2021 are considered to be threats to the state of Israel because they have supported anti-Israel militias and engaged in armed conflicts with Israel. The researcher used a comparative case study to draw this conclusion. With ballistic missiles that may reach Tel Aviv, the Tehran regime has frequently sponsored anti-Israel Shia-Sunni militias in the Middle East. In order to stop totalitarian governments in the area from compromising Israel's security, it was concluded that Israeli aggressive policy and assaults on the nuclear programs in Iraq, Syria, and Iran were important and rational.

The Principles of War have long been debated about their relevance and usefulness within the military context. Some theorists think that the Principles of War are laws that should be followed to achieve success in battle, while others see them more as guidelines. The principles have also been discussed on which level and type of warfare they should apply on, furthermore which types of principles to include. A theorist that has published a revised set of nine principles is Marvin Pokrant (2021), these Principles of War aim to be relevant across all levels and types of warfare. They are also one of the most contemporary sets of principles and has not yet been tested. Therefore, are the purpose of this study to both contribute to the overall research about the principles of war and more specifically if Pokrant’s (2021) set of principles has any explanatory value about success in modern military operations. The result of this study shows that this set of principles has explanatory value about the success in modern military operations. This is because the successful case had eight out of nine principles present, while the unsuccessful case only had two.

Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation". <p><p>Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Als Folge der seit Ende der 1960er Jahre gestiegenen Auslandsverschuldung avancierte der Export der DDR in das NSW zur Schicksalsfrage. Zu den ausfuhrintensivsten, Finalerzeugnisse herstellenden Branchen, mit einem kontinuierlichen Absatz im NSW zählte, neben dem Druckmaschinenbau vor allem der Werkzeugmaschinenbau. Zu beiden Branchen fehlen bislang dementsprechende Untersuchungen. Die vorliegende Arbeit schließt also eine Forschungslücke! Zwei Dinge waren entscheidend für den im Gegensatz zu anderen Branchen der DDR kontinuierlichen Absatz von Werkzeugmaschinen in das NSW: Erstens der Wille der DDR, Geschäfte in Form von Ware gegen Waren zu tätigen, um auf diese Weise Devisen zu sparen. Zweitens politische Aspekte. Weiterhin war es möglich den DDR-Werkzeugmaschinenbau in die weltweite Entwicklung des Werkzeugmaschinenbaus einzuordnen. Zur globalen Einordnung kommt diejenige auf den jeweiligen nationalen Märkten. Während Betrachtungen zur Wirtschaft der DDR gemeinhin von einer pauschalen Wettbewerbsschwäche der Wirtschaft der DDR sprechen, ohne die branchenspezifischen Probleme genauer zu betrachten, differenziert die vorliegende Arbeit stärker nach einzelnen Ursachen. Erstens die seit 1973 in immer kürzeren Abständen auftretenden zyklischen Wirtschaftskrisen, die der metallverarbeitenden Industrie, besonders der zivilen, schwer zusetzten. Bis schließlich im Jahr 1982 die Märkte im NSW beinahe vollständig zusammenbrachen, was sowohl zu einer verschärften Preispolitik als auch zur Abschottung der nationalen Märkte mittels Protektionismus führte. Zweitens technische und qualitative Probleme. Dazu gehörten neben der nicht wettbewerbsfähigen Elektrik vor allem die nicht konkurrenzfähigen mikroelektronischen Steuerungen. Drittens scheiterten auch die in den, im Vergleich zur westeuropäischen Konkurrenz ohnehin zu spät generierten Anlagenexport, gesetzten Hoffnungen. Sowohl der Irak als auch die Türkei, als die beiden größten Abnehmer von Anlagen, gerieten, wenn auch aus unterschiedlichen Gründen, in immer schwierigeres Fahrwasser. / As a consequence of the growing foreign indebtedness since the late 1960s, the export of the German Democratic Republik (GDR) into the western markets became a question of to be or not to be. One of the most competitive sector of industry, producing final industrial goods, was, beside printing machine industry, the east german machine tool industry. Researches about their exports are still missing until today. That means the present work closes a gap of research! Two things were decisive for a continuously sale of east german machine tools into the western markets: First the will of the GDR to deal wares against wares to save foreign currencies. The international competition of the east german machine tools was a precondition to be used as an exchange currency. Seconds political reasons. Furthermor it was possible to put the east german machine tool industry in its worldwide proper place. Beside the worldwide comparison it was possible to analyse the national marketparts of the GDRs machine tool industry. While views on the east german economy talk about a lack of competition in general, without looking at the specific problems of the respective industry branch the present work distinguishes between single reasons: First the shorter intervals of the economical crises since 1973 that caused damages especially in the civil metal processing. In 1982 the western markets nearly went in totally decline, what caused an aggravate prize policy an d the closing of the national markets by protctionism. Second technical an qualitative problems. Third the too late generated export of plants connected with economical troubles of the two main importers, Iraq and Turkey.

Ce travail se concentre sur comment un acteur justifierait ses actions dans des 'environnements hétérogènes et fragmentés. Le but est de démontrer qu’en l’absence d’un principe d’accord contraignant les actions des acteurs, les relations entre les partenaires d’action égaux basculeraient dans la polyarchie et celles entre les partenaires d’action inégaux basculeraient respectivement dans l’arrangement, la discorde et finalement, la violence. A cette fin, cette recherche se concentre sur les politiques mandataires britanniques en Irak à travers une étude de traitement du mouvement nationalitaire kurde dans la wilaya de Mossoul dans une période s’étendant du 30 octobre 1918 au 5 juin 1926. Le 30 octobre 1918 est la date à laquelle l’Armistice de Moudros a été signée entre les Alliés et l’Empire ottoman (à la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale) suite à laquelle les Britanniques occupèrent Mossoul. Le 5 juin 1926 correspond à la date de la signature du Traité d’Angora qui devait régler la question de la frontière turco-irakienne, connue aussi comme la Question de Mossoul / This study focuses on how an actor justifies its actions in heterogenous and fragmented environments. It aims at proving that in the absence of a principle of agreement constraning the actors’ actions, the relations between equal partners of action turn into polyarchy whilst those between inequal ones end in arrangement, contention and finally, violence. To this end, this research concentrates on the British mandatory policies in Iraq through the management of Kurdish nationalist movement in the wilaya of Mosul from 30rd October 1918 to 5th 1926. The 30rd October 1918 is the date of the signature of Armistice of Mudros between the Allies and the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. It is in the aftermath of this armistice that the British occupied Mosul. In 5th 1926, Turkey and Great Britain signed the Treaty of Angora which settled the question of frontier between Turkey and Irak, a question which is also known as Question of Mosul

La reconstruction post-conflit de l’Etat est un enjeu majeur et actuel des relations internationales. L’Union européenne, sous les auspices des Nations Unies contribue à restaurer ou instaurer un ordre étatique qui doit donner sa chance à une paix durable fondée sur des valeurs respectueuses des droits de l’homme. Toutefois, l’Union européenne reste maitre de ses interventions. Il n’existe pas véritablement pour les Etats post-conflits un droit à la reconstruction. Un complexe d’acteurs institutionnels européens décide et organise la réponse européenne à la déliquescence des Etats au sortir des conflits. Cette réponse n’est pas isolée, elle s’inscrit dans un ensemble de partenariats.L’organisation régionale déploie un ensemble de mécanismes juridiques ou opérationnels, militaires ou civils de gestion du relèvement des Etats en sortie de conflit. L’engagement européen peut prendre des formes très intrusives, et s’apparente parfois à une tutelle européenne sur des Etats victimes de conflits. Au final, l’Union européenne participe à la définition et à la réalisation d’un droit international de la reconstruction de l’Etat. Elle consacre des normes et des standards internationaux. Elle inaugure des normes et des standards européens adaptées au relèvement des Etats. De ce point de vue, l’offre européenne en matière de reconstruction post conflit de l’Etat est globale. C'est-à-dire que l’Europe propose de reconstruire l’Etat sous ses trois composantes traditionnelles : la population, le territoire et l’appareil d’Etat. / In the framework of International Relations, Post Conflict Reconstruction of the State is a major and actual stake. European Union under the auspices of United Nations, supports all initiatives to restore or build a state order which give a chance for a stable peace based on human values. Nevertheless, European Union defines his interventions in function of his own interests. Post-conflicts States don’t have a right to reconstruction. A mix of european institutional actors decide and design the european response dedicated to failed Post-conflict States. This response is not isolated, she is included in a network of parternship.After a conflict, the regional organization set up a mix of legal or operational mechanisms, and military or civilian capacities. The european activism in this domain can be very strong. Sometimes, it seems as a trusteeship of EU on Post conflicts States. Consequently, European Union contributes to design and implement the international law of the State reconstruction. EU promotes norms and international standards. It initiates european norms and standards dedicated to the recovery of states. Consequently, European Union possess global capacities in the matter of post-conflict reconstruction. That is to say that Europe is proposing to rebuild the state in its three traditional components: population, territory and state apparatus.