Nombreux sont ceux qui pensent que la dissolution de la Yougoslavie commence et finit au Kosovo. Il s’agit d’une suite logique de l’éclatement yougoslave une fédération fragile composée des différentes nationalités. Province autonome sous l’ère de Tito de 1974 - 1989, le Kosovo avait des prérogatives similaires à une république. Le régime de Milosevic supprima cette autonomie déclenchant ainsi des violences et des tensions. Face aux incessantes violations de leurs droits fondamentaux, les Albanais du Kosovo ont d’abord opté pour une résistance pacifique, toutes en boycottant les institutions serbes et yougoslaves. Ils ont réussi à crée une véritable société parallèle, une sorte d’Etat dans l’Etat. Les guerres yougoslaves ont initié la création des nouveaux Etats, il s’agit d’un processus de redéfinition des identités nationales de l’ex-Yougoslavie qui met en relation plusieurs conceptions de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que la naissance d’un Etat du Kosovo peut amener la création d’une nouvelle Nation, cependant la création de cette nation suppose une conscience partagée et des circonstances politiques favorables. L’objectif de cette recherche était d’argumenter les causes de l’effondrement violent de l’ex-Yougoslavie et de tirer les enseignements d’une accession mouvementée et parfois tragique du Kosovo à l’indépendance et consistait aussi à analyser les difficultés, pour une société composite et fragmentée, d’accéder au XXIème siècle à la souveraineté nationale. Il ressort de cette thèse que la cause principale de l’effondrement violent de l’ancienne Yougoslavie était le programme national serbe qui cherchait à créer la Grande Serbie et que l’indépendance du Kosovo, au lendemain de la désintégration yougoslave, était la seule solution possible qui pouvait assurer la paix et la stabilité dans la région. / Many people believe that the dissolution of Yugoslavia begins and ends in Kosovo. This is a logical continuation of the Yugoslav breakup a fragile federation composed of various nationalities. Autonomous province under the Tito’s era of 1974 - 1989, Kosovo had similar powers to a republic. Milosevic 's regime abolished Kosovo’s autonomy triggering violence and tensions. Faced with constant violations of their human rights, Kosovo Albanians opted for a peaceful resistance, all by boycotting Serbian and Yugoslav institutions. They managed to create a real parallel society, a kind of State in the State. The Yugoslav wars initiated the creation of new States, it is a process of redefining of the national identities of the former Yugoslavia which connects several conceptions of nation and citizenship. There are good reasons to belive that the birth of Kosovo State can cause the creation of a new nation, however, the creation of this nation requires a shared awareness and favorable political circumstances. This thesis aims to argue the causes of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia and to learn of a turbulent and sometimes tragic accession of Kosovo to independence and also to analyze the challenge and difficulties for a composite and fragmented society, to access in the 21st century to national sovereignty. This research showed that the main cause of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia was the Serbian national program that sought to create a Greater Serbia and that Kosovo's independence after the disintegration of Yougoslavia was the only possible solution that could ensure peace and stability in the region.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-08-17T16:23:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Yasmin Fuentes de Freitas Borges.pdf: 929124 bytes, checksum: b98bfbea6a9e7a45c527afbeb98a554f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T16:23:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Yasmin Fuentes de Freitas Borges.pdf: 929124 bytes, checksum: b98bfbea6a9e7a45c527afbeb98a554f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-22 / The central bank independence theory emerged in the 1990s as an alternative to conducting monetary policy in a way that would reduce the government participation in the economy. Initial empirical studies have shown an inverse relation between the degree of central bank independence and the price level, which corroborated with the theoretical arguments by representatives who supported the theory. However, subsequent surveys have generated doubts and questions regarding central bank independence theory, including several reinterpretations of the theory. Along the four sections presented here, this research seeks consolidate the main arguments which the theory is grounded and score any criticism of the models. More specifically will analyze how it operates the independence of the central bank in Brazil, with the Central Bank of Brazil. The results presented by the survey highlight the ideological content that engages the debate around the independence of the central bank and points out that although the models are developed as close to reality as possible, there is no recipe for the conduct of monetary policy / A teoria de independência do banco central surge nos anos 1990 como uma alternativa a forma de condução da política monetária que reduziria a participação do Estado na economia. Os estudos empíricos iniciais revelaram uma relação inversa entre o grau de independência do banco central e o nível de preço, o que corroborou com os argumentos teóricos desenvolvidos pelos representantes que sustentavam a teoria. No entanto, levantamentos posteriores geraram dúvidas e questionamentos em relação à teoria de independência do banco central, desencadeando inclusive diversas reinterpretações da teoria. A presente pesquisa busca, ao longo das quatro seções aqui apresentadas, consolidar os principais argumentos os quais a teoria está embasada e pontuar as eventuais críticas aos modelos. Será analisado mais especificamente de que forma se insere a independência do banco central no caso brasileiro, com o Banco Central do Brasil. Os resultados apresentados pela pesquisa ressaltam o conteúdo ideológico que envolve o debate em torno da independência do banco central e pontua que, embora os modelos sejam desenvolvidos o mais próximo da realidade possível, não há uma receita para a condução da política monetária

O presente trabalho busca analisar e interpretar o pensamento político e econômico do Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia [1766-1840], reconhecido intelectual, dirigente da independência paraguaia e Ditador Supremo daquele país entre 1814 e 1840. A partir da correspondência pessoal, ordens e decretos escritos pelo ditador paraguaio, propõe-se compreender distintas facetas de seu pensamento e, em certa medida, compará-las com determinadas ações de seu governo. Este estudo está contextualizado por uma descrição geral das características econômicas, políticas e sociais do Paraguai, desde a Colônia até o começo do processo da independência sul-americana e a posterior ascensão política do doutor Francia, determinada, por sua vez, pelas vicissitudes da crise regional que levou à conformação de Estados nacionais na Bacia do Prata. / The purpose of this research is to analyze and interpret the political and economical thought of Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia [1766-1840], a recognized intellectual, leader of the Paraguayan independence and countrys Supreme Dictator between 1814 and 1840. From personal correspondence, orders and decrees written by the Paraguayan dictator, the research aims at understanding different aspects of his thought and, to some extent, compare them with certain actions of his government. This objective is contextualized by an overview of the economic, political and social features of Paraguay, from the colonial period to the beginning of the process of South American independence and the subsequent political rise of Dr. Francia, determined, in turn, by the vicissitudes of the regional crisis that led to the forming of national states on the Río de la Plata Basin.

Este estudo analisa as negociações diplomáticas para o reconhecimento da Independência e do Império do Brasil, entre 1822 e 1827. Parte-se da hipótese de que, antes de expressarem uma política coesa e consensual, emitida pelo ministério do Rio de Janeiro, as tratativas diplomáticas sobre o reconhecimento tiveram enorme relevância na definição da arquitetura da monarquia constitucional, sugerindo práticas políticas e indicando contornos institucionais para a organização do Império do Brasil. A partir do cotejamento de fontes diplomáticas, produzidas pelos governos das Cortes de Lisboa, de Londres e do Rio de Janeiro, muitas das quais pouco conhecidas ou mesmo inéditas, foi possível reavaliar o papel desempenhado pelos ministros de Negócios Estrangeiros e agentes diplomáticos dispostos nos três vértices do Atlântico; identificar avaliações políticas distintas no interior do governo de Pedro I; e problematizar a premissa de que, após a declaração de Independência e de separação de Portugal, havia na antiga América portuguesa um Estado estruturado e organizado, herdeiro direto das ações promovidas pelo governo de D. João VI, entre 1808 e 1821. / This study analyzes the diplomatic negotiations for the recognition of both the independence and the Empire of Brazil in the period 1822-1827. It starts with the hypothesis that the diplomatic negotiations did not express a coherent and consensual policy issued by the ministry of Rio de Janeiro; instead, those negotiations had great importance in defining the constitutional monarchy architecture, for it suggested political practices and institutional boundaries to the organization of the Empire of Brazil. After comparing diplomatic sources produced by the governments of the Cortes of Lisbon, London, and Rio de Janeiro many of them little known or even unpublished it was possible: 1) reevaluate the role of Foreign Affairs ministers and diplomatic agents in these three corners of Atlantic; 2) identify distinct political evaluations within the government of Pedro I; 3) and question the premise that, after the Independence from Portugal, there was a structured and organized State in the Portuguese America which was the direct heir of the government of D. João VI (1808-1821).

Submitted by Joana Azevedo (joanad@id.uff.br) on 2017-08-19T19:13:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert Sandra Regina C Lavalle Heilbron.pdf: 2336761 bytes, checksum: 42d01f8f13cf3a5977209bd5fe4f1634 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Biblioteca da Escola de Engenharia (bee@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-08-24T12:29:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert Sandra Regina C Lavalle Heilbron.pdf: 2336761 bytes, checksum: 42d01f8f13cf3a5977209bd5fe4f1634 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-24T12:29:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert Sandra Regina C Lavalle Heilbron.pdf: 2336761 bytes, checksum: 42d01f8f13cf3a5977209bd5fe4f1634 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-07 / Na década de cinquenta foi criada a Comissão Nacional de Energia Nuclear (CNEN), uma Autarquia Federal que, desmembrada do CNPq, surgiu com os objetivos principais de desenvolver a energia nuclear e suas aplicações, bem como controlar a área nuclear do país, garantindo a sua segurança. A importância da criação de uma agência regulatória independente para o setor nuclear, ou seja, a separação das atividades da CNEN voltadas à segurança das atividades voltadas ao desenvolvimento e pesquisa básica não regulatória é muito antiga e sempre foi um tema debatido pela comunidade científica. Atualmente este tema ganhou novamente força e iniciou-se a elaboração de uma minuta de projeto de Lei para a criação de uma agência reguladora independente do setor nuclear, que se encontra em avaliação no Ministério de Ciência, Tecnologia, Inovações e Comunicações (MCTIC). O objetivo deste trabalho foi o de apresentar diretrizes para a criação de uma agência reguladora do setor nuclear realizando uma pesquisa metodológica e aplicada. Essas diretrizes são apresentadas no final do trabalho e foram baseadas em estudos de outras agências reguladoras nacionais e internacionais, nos principais documentos da Agência Internacional de Energia Atômica sobre o assunto (o Brasil é estado-membro junto com cerca de 180 países com programa nuclear). Foi utilizado um questionário distribuído aos servidores da CNEN contendo perguntas relacionadas com uma agência reguladora que ajudou a completar o conjunto de diretrizes propostas. Como resultado deste trabalho, são apresentadas dezessete recomendações/diretrizes principais para a criação de uma agência nuclear no Brasil. / In the fifties the Brazilian Nuclear Energy Commission (CNEN) a Federal autarchy, was created from part of the CNPq, with the main objectives to develop the nuclear energy and its application and at the same time, to control and guarantee the safety of the nuclear area in the country. The importance of creating an independent regulatory agency for the nuclear industry, that is the separation of the CNEN activities related to the safety from the activities related to the development of the nuclear energy including the basic research is very old and has always been a topic of discussion by the scientific community. Today this topic gained importance again and an initial law draft proposal for the creation of an independent nuclear regulatory agency was made and is currently in Ministry of Science, Technology, Innovation and Communications for evaluation. The objective of this study was to present guidelines for the creation of an independent nuclear regulatory agency using a methodological and applied research. These guidelines are presented at the end of this document and were based on studies of other national and international regulatory agencies existing in the world, based on the main International Atomic Energy Agency documents about the topic (Brazil is a member-state together with approximately 180 countries with nuclear programs). It was also used a questionnaire distributed to some CNEN workers with a series of questions related to a nuclear agency that helps the complement the set of guidelines proposed. As consequence of this work seventeen main recommendations/guidelines for the creation of a nuclear regulatory agency in Brazil.

No description available.

Esta tese analisa o processo de estabelecimento do Monumento à Independência como \"lugar de memória\" da emancipação política brasileira. Criada no contexto das comemorações do Centenário da Independência, a obra tornou-se elemento central dos festejos paulistas e revelou-se como um projeto de afirmação da cidade de São Paulo como centro simbólico do país, num embate evidente com a cidade do Rio de Janeiro na criação de uma história oficial brasileira. A trajetória dessa obra foi reconstituída, desde as primeiras intenções de edificação de um monumento no Ipiranga, ocorridas no período imperial brasileiro, até a inauguração do que ali se fez, em 1923. Analisou-se processo de escolha da obra, selecionada por meio de um concurso público internacional, examinando os debates em torno do edital, os projetos concorrentes e as críticas publicadas na imprensa em relação aos diferentes projetos. Constatou-se a importância de se ter selecionado o projeto de Ettore Ximenes, um artista italiano de grande reconhecimento profissional, como uma estratégia de consagração nacional e internacional do novo monumento paulista. Foram evidenciados os paralelos e sinergias entre os temas dos conjuntos escultóricos e relevos do Monumento à Independência com a exposição do Museu Paulista criada por Affonso Taunay para a comemoração de 1922, convergência favorecida pelo fato de que o historiador atuara simultaneamente como membro da comissão julgadora do concurso e diretor da instituição museológica. Além da obra escultórica e da exposição histórica, o projeto de consagração da colina do Ipiranga previa também o estabelecimento de um eixo urbano monumental, pontuado por esculturas e áreas ajardinadas, que ligaria o conjunto histórico ao centro da cidade. As intenções celebrativas da elite dirigente paulista, no entanto, foram impactadas pela incompletude do monumento e das obras a ele relacionadas em 1922 e pela diminuta repercussão que a inauguração do Monumento à Independência obteve na imprensa nacional e internacional. / This thesis analyses the process of establishing the Monument to the Independence of Brazil as a \"place of memory\" representing Brazilian political emancipation. Created within the context of the centennial celebrations of the 1822 Independence, this sculpture was central to São Paulo\'s festivities, and proved to be a representation of the city\'s project to assert itself as the symbolic center of the country, in an overt dispute with the city of Rio de Janeiro for the creation of an official history of Brazil. The history of this piece was retraced back to the earliest intentions of erecting a monument in the Ipiranga district - during the Imperial period - up to its dedication in 1923. The selection process of this sculpture, which was carried out publicly, is herein analyzed, while also examining the debates engendered by its official announcement, its contending projects, and the criticisms published in the press regarding the various projects. The election of a design by Ettore Ximenes - a widely renowned Italian artist - is deemed as a strategy to confer distinction and fame, in national and international levels, to this new monument in São Paulo. The themes found in this set of sculptures and reliefs are shown to be correlated and synergized with the Museu Paulista exhibition - set up by historian Affonso Taunay - for the 1922 celebrations. This convergence of compositions was favored by the fact that Taunay acted simultaneously as member of the public selection\'s judging committee and as director of the aforementioned museum. In addition to the sculpture and to the historical exhibition, the project of aggrandizing and promoting the Ipiranga hill also included creating a monumental urban axis, filled with sculptures and gardens which would connect this historical site to the city center. However, the celebratory intentions of the paulista elite were marred by the delayed construction of the monument and other works connected to it - unfinished in 1922 -, and by the limited repercussion engendered by the inauguration of the Monument to the Independence of Brazil in local and international media.

L’objet de notre réflexion est de voir que l’articulation entre le Conseil de sécurité et les juridictions pénales internationales s’appréhende essentiellement sous deux angles complètement nouveaux en droit international : la participation directe ou indirecte à la création d’organes juridictionnels et l’intrusion dans les procédures de fonctionnement de ceux-ci. Juridiquement, le Conseil de sécurité exerce pleinement ce double rôle sous le prisme de l’article 24 de la Charte des Nations Unies qui lui attribue la responsabilité principale en matière de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. En effet, qu’il s’agisse de la création des T.P.I., de son rôle peu ou prou variable dans l’établissement des juridictions mixtes, du pouvoir de saisine et de suspension de la C.P.I. que lui confère le Statut de Rome, de l’obligation de coopération des Etats dont il est l’ultime gardien ou de son pouvoir discrétionnaire dans la qualification du crime d’agression, le Conseil de sécurité est devenu, grâce à l’inépuisable fondement du Chapitre VII, le véritable catalyseur de la justice pénale internationale. Cependant, le revers de la médaille de cette importance du Conseil n’est pas anodin ou sans intérêt. Son irruption, très contestée au départ, dans le domaine de la justice pénale internationale donne lieu à une confrontation ancienne en droit international : celle de la politique et du juridique. Les termes de ce conflit transparaissent assez clairement de l’esprit de notre analyse. On ne peut d’ailleurs y échapper tant les préoccupations liées à la justice pénale internationale et celles relatives au maintien de la paix sont consubstantiellement imbriquées. Nous observons, non sans une certaine distance et une forme de retenue, que les termes mêmes de l’articulation alimentent toutes formes de conjectures sur l’indépendance et l’impartialité des juridictions pénales internationales. / The purpose of our research is to acknowledge that the link between the Security Council and international criminal jurisdictions is to be understood essentially under two entirely new perspectives in international law: the direct or indirect involvement of the Security Council in the creation of jurisdictional bodies and its intrusion in the operating procedures of the latter. Legally, the Security Council fully exercises this double role in accordance with Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations, which devolves to it the main responsibility in the matter of maintaining peace and international security. Indeed, the Security Council, whether it is in the creation of ICCs, in its variable role in the setting up of mixed courts, in its power of submission and suspension of cases before the ICP which is imparted to it by the Statute of Rome, in its ultimate part in ensuring the obligation mutual cooperation amongst states, or in its discretionary power in the characterization of the crime of aggression, has become, thanks to the abiding foundation of Chapter VII, the genuine catalyst of international criminal justice. However, the downside to this importance of the Security Council is neither to be overlooked nor without interest. The sudden, and at first highly debated emergence of the Security Council in the area of international criminal justice has rekindled an old debate in international law: that of the political and the juridical order. The terms of this conflict show quite clearly through the approach of our analysis. We cannot evade this debate, considering how intricately the issues and concerns of international criminal justice and those of relating to peacekeeping are consubstantially interwoven. We may notice, albeit at some distance and some restraint, that the very terms of this link nurture all sorts of conjectures over the independence and impartiality of the international criminal courts.

L’Écosse est une vieille nation européenne. Autrefois indépendante, elle s’est unie à l’Angleterre et au Pays de Galles en 1707 au moyen d’un traité d’Union. Aux termes de ce traité, elle a conservé une Église propre (l’Église d’Écosse), ainsi que des systèmes éducatif et juridique distincts de ceux de l’Angleterre. En 1998, de larges transferts de pouvoirs lui ont permis de ré-ouvrir son Parlement, dissous au moment de l’Union, et de voter ses propres lois dans les domaines qui lui sont dévolus, comme la santé, l’éducation, l’environnement, les questions rurales. Cette dévolution de pouvoirs lui a également permis de maintenir et de renforcer sa présence au sein de l’Union européenne. En effet, l’Écosse, forte d’un ancien rayonnement européen au moyen-âge, et bénéficiant de fonds structurels de la Commission européenne afin de rattraper ses retards de développements, a, dès le milieu des années 1980, compris le bénéfice qu’elle pouvait tirer de la Communauté économique européenne puis de l’Union européenne. Parallèlement au processus de dévolution des pouvoirs du Parlement britannique vers le Parlement écossais, le parti national écossais, le Scottish National Party, a ancré son projet d’indépendance de l’Écosse dans le cadre rassurant d’un maintien au sein de l’Union européenne. Lors du référendum sur l’indépendance de 2014, la question de la place de l’Écosse en Europe s’est invitée dans la campagne de manière insistante. Dans le cadre des négociations sur le Brexit, la possibilité d’un accord distinct pour l’Écosse (qui a refusé la sortie de l’Union européenne) se pose, alors qu’un second référendum sur l’indépendance se profile. Pour l’Union européenne, la question des nationalismes minoritaires provoque des difficultés, puisqu'il lui faut satisfaire les aspirations à la représentation démocratique soulevées par ces mouvements, tout en évitant à la fois la fragmentation des États membres et l’afflux de petits États membres, qui risqueraient de bloquer la mécanique institutionnelle communautaire. / Scotland is an old European nation which remained independent until the 1707 Treaty of Union under which it was united to England and Wales. Under the terms of this treaty, it has preserved a Church of its own (the Church of Scotland), as well as distinct educational and legal systems. In 1998, large transfers of powers enabled it to re-open its Parliament, which had been dissolved at the time of the Union, and to vote its own laws in certain devolved areas, such as health, education, the environment and rural matters. This devolution of powers has also enabled Scotland to maintain and strengthen its presence in the European Union. As early as the mid-1980s, Scotland, whose influence in Europe dated back to the Middle Ages and which benefited from structural funds from the European Commission that were intended to make up for some of its under developed regions, realised the benefit it could reap from the European Economic Community and later on from the European Union. As powers were being devolved from the British Parliament to the Scottish Parliament, the Scottish National Party anchored its Scottish independence project within the comforting framework of a maintained membership of the European Union. During the run-up to the referendum on the independence of 2014, the question of the place of Scotland in Europe was often raised. In the context of the negotiations on Brexit, the possibility of a separate agreement for Scotland (which refused to leave the European Union) is being considered, while a second referendum on independence is looming. For the European Union, the issue of minority nationalisms is a source of difficulties, since it must satisfy the aspirations to democratic representation that are fostered by these movements while avoiding the breaking-up of the Member States and the influx of small Member States which may block the Community's institutional machinery.

This dissertation has three consecutive topics. First, we propose a novel class of independence measures for testing independence between two random vectors based on the discrepancy between the conditional and the marginal characteristic functions. If one of the variables is categorical, our asymmetric index extends the typical ANOVA to a kernel ANOVA that can test a more general hypothesis of equal distributions among groups. The index is also applicable when both variables are continuous. Second, we develop a sufficient variable selection procedure based on the new measure in a large p small n setting. Our approach incorporates marginal information between each predictor and the response as well as joint information among predictors. As a result, our method is more capable of selecting all truly active variables than marginal selection methods. Furthermore, our procedure can handle both continuous and discrete responses with mixed-type predictors. We establish the sure screening property of the proposed approach under mild conditions. Third, we focus on a model-free sufficient dimension reduction approach using the new measure. Our method does not require strong assumptions on predictors and responses. An algorithm is developed to find dimension reduction directions using sequential quadratic programming. We illustrate the advantages of our new measure and its two applications in high dimensional data analysis by numerical studies across a variety of settings.