In a global business environment, cultural understanding is an essential tool for successful communication and relationship building between organizations and audiences. However, the power of cultural values to modify individuals' ways of thinking and communicating is not well understood in terms of crisis communication management. Therefore, this study applied Sue's (1991, 2001) theory of cultural competence to examine the effect of cultural values on crisis communication planning, using three methodological approaches. First, grounded theory analysis was applied to qualitative interviews with 25 communication professionals concerning cultural influences on crisis. Second, a national online survey (N=172) assessed communication practitioners' attitudes toward, and knowledge about, other cultures, and their skills to respond to diverse cultures. Third, media portrayals of corporate crises were examined with semantic network analysis of news articles from the New York Times, USA Today, and the Wall Street Journal between January 1, 2007 and December, 31, 2008, to identify whether cultural aspects were mentioned. These approaches yielded five main findings. First, PR practitioners had difficulties in defining multiculturalism, often equating cultural diversity with communicating with Latinos. Second, interviewees saw cultural differences as just one aspect of diversity, emphasizing that age, religion, and education differences also affect corporate discourse. Third, although professionals considered culture a key element of crisis management, they did not feel prepared to handle the challenges of a multicultural crisis, nor did they report that they used culturally adjusted crisis strategies often. Fourth, regression analyses conducted on the survey data showed that skills to manage multicultural situations and openness to diverse knowledge significantly predict the relevance professionals attributed to culture when designing crisis communication strategies. Fifth, media accounts of crises did not mention cultural elements in the three newspapers investigated. By integrating cultural competence and crisis management frameworks, this study provides the foundation for an in-depth understanding of crises, where scholars can pair crisis strategies with audiences' cultural expectations. Instructors can incorporate this framework to their courses, preparing PR students to new demands of the profession. Finally, training initiatives focused on increasing levels of cultural competence can make organizations ready to the challenges of a global market. / Mass Media and Communication

Background Postpartum depression (PPD) is a major public health challenge and associated with poor maternal and infant health outcomes. Quality prenatal care decreases adverse outcomes in pregnancy and may reduce PPD risk factors. This study critically reviews the evidence about the role of prenatal care practices in reducing PPD prevalence across population groups and examines the association between prenatal care timing and counseling content with PPD prevalence. Methods A scoping review was completed across eight databases to synthesize evidence about prenatal care and PPD across different contextual settings. National data from the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) was used to examine the research questions. The key outcome was PPD symptoms as self-reported by postpartum women. Key independent variables were timing and content of prenatal care. Bivariate analyses used chi-square and t-tests, as appropriate, and a logistic regression analysis examined associations at the multivariable level while accounting sociodemographic characteristics, history of depression, and interaction effects. An issue brief was developed, triangulating findings from the scoping review and quantitative analysis. Results Forty-five studies were analyzed as a part of the scoping review and identified a strong association between robust prenatal care that included education about depression and increased awareness of PPD prevention among pregnant women. In the PRAMS analysis, women with a history of depression (aOR: 2.87; 95% CI: 2.74, 2.99) and those who initiated prenatal care in the third trimester or had no prenatal care (aOR: 1.54; 95% CI: 1.21, 1.85) had higher odds of PPD. Women who were not asked about depression during prenatal care had higher odds of PPD (aOR: 1.26; 95% CI: 1.21, 1.32). Women who were Asian, Black, and asked less than five questions on health-related topics during prenatal care were more likely to report PPD symptoms. Conclusion Blending education and counseling into routine prenatal care for pregnant women will increase awareness of depression, thereby preventing PPD. Prenatal care should, therefore, be accompanied by evidence-based systems for counseling, education, diagnosing, treatment, and referral of perinatal depression. To optimize the health of women, prenatal care should provide services and support tailored to each woman's needs.

Teaching in the field of public health needs to employ a global perspective to account for the fact that public health problems and solutions have global determinants and implications as well. International university partnerships can promote such a perspective through the strengthening of cooperation, exchange, and communication between academic institutions across national boundaries. As an example for such an academic network in the field of public health, we introduce the International Public Health Partnership—a collaboration between a university in Germany and universities in India, Turkey, and Nigeria. Formed in 2005, it facilitated the exchange of information, fostered discussion about the transferability of public health concepts, contributed to the structural development of the universities involved, and promoted an intercultural dialog through a combination of local and distance learning activities. Although well accepted by students and staff, different obstacles were encountered; these included limited external funding, scarce own financial, time and personnel resources, and diverging regulations and structures of degree programs at the partnership sites. In the present article, we share several lessons that we learned during our joint collaboration and provide recommendations for other universities that are involved in partnerships with institutions of higher education or are interested to initiate such collaborations.

Parmi les critiques visant l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), il est souvent reproché à celle-ci d’accorder trop peu d’importance aux préoccupations non commerciales des consommateurs et des États, reflet de leurs valeurs sociétales ou culturelles, sous prétexte de lutter contre les entraves au commerce international. Pourtant, dans le domaine du commerce des marchandises, l’article XX du GATT prévoit certaines exceptions générales, permettant éventuellement aux États de justifier une mesure restrictive pour le commerce, notamment pour des raisons de protection de la moralité publique. Or, cette « exception de moralité publique », rarement invoquée à ce jour, est au cœur du différend commercial opposant actuellement le Canada à l’Union européenne, après l’embargo adopté en 2009 par celle-ci sur les produits issus de la chasse au phoque, considérée comme cruelle par de nombreux Européens. Dans ce mémoire, nous avons tenté d’envisager l’issue possible de ce litige. À cette fin, nous avons réalisé une étude préliminaire du concept de moralité publique en droit international public et présenté en détails le contexte, notamment politique, de ce différend; puis nous avons procédé à son analyse par étapes, selon la méthode retenue à ce jour par l’Organe de règlement des différends (ORD). À l’issue de nos réflexions, nous avons conclu que l’ORD devrait constater que la mesure européenne contestée vise à répondre à un réel souci de protection de la moralité publique en Europe; toutefois, il est probable, selon nous, que l’embargo européen ne soit pas considéré comme « nécessaire » à cette fin, au sens de l’article XX du GATT : en effet, l’ORD estimera sans doute que l’Union européenne aurait pu mettre en œuvre des solutions moins incompatibles avec ses obligations au titre du GATT. Nous pensons donc, hélas, que l’issue de ce litige ne satisfera pas ceux qui réclament une plus grande ouverture de l’OMC vis-à-vis de considérations non commerciales légitimes. / Among other criticisms, the World Trade Organization (WTO) is often blamed for not taking sufficient account of non-trade concerns, which express consumers and States’ societal or cultural values, under the pretext of international trade liberalization. Concerning trade in goods, though, GATT article XX provides certain general exceptions, allowing States to justify trade-restrictive measures intended to protect public morals. Now, this rarely-invoked "public morals clause" is at the very heart of a pending trade dispute between Canada and the European Union (EU), after the EU decided in 2009 to ban products derived from seal hunt, which is seen as cruel by many Europeans. In this report, the author tries to predict what the outcome of this dispute could be. To this end, the report first examines the public morals concept in public international law. Then, it describes in details the context of this conflict, in particular at the political level. Finally, the author makes an assessment of an article XX defense, following the method adopted to date by the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB). This report concludes that the DSB is likely to consider that the challenged measure aims at addressing a real concern about the protection of public morals in Europe; however, in the author’s view, the European ban will not be deemed "necessary" to achieve this end under GATT article XX. Indeed, the DSB will most likely consider that the European Union had less trade-restrictive available options that are more compatible with its obligations under the GATT. Regrettably, the author believes that the ORD decision in this dispute will not satisfy those who call for a better recognition of legitimate non-trade concerns by the WTO.

Le Global Administrative Law (GAL) -- ou "droit administratif global" en français -- est apparu en 2005, à la suite des réflexions conjuguées de chercheurs d'universités américaines (principalement de la New York University School of Law) et italiennes. Le GAL se donne pour but d'analyser un ensemble de mécanismes, règles et procédés comparables aux droits administratifs nationaux utilisés pour promouvoir la transparence, une participation accrue, et la mise en place de mécanismes de responsabilisation (Accountability), au sein d'une structure hybride (Global Administrative Space), composée aussi bien d'organisations internationales, que d'acteurs non-étatiques. La présente étude se donne pour objectif d'analyser les interactions entre ce GAL et le droit international public d'un point de vue institutionnel. / Global Administrative Law (GAL) - or "droit administratif global" in French -appeared in 2005, as the fruit of the combined work of researchers from American (mainly New York University School of Law) and Italian universities. GAL's purpose is to analyze a set of mechanisms, rules and procedures comparable tonational administrative law used to promote transparency, increased participation,and the establishment of accountability mechanisms, within a hybrid structure(called Global Administrative Space), composed of both international organizations and non-state actors. This study's objective is to analyze theinteractions between GAL and public international law from an institutional pointof view.

A presente tese analisa a influência da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA), de suas burocracias internacionais e de suas relações administrativas intra e extraorganizacionais na promoção e na defesa da democracia na América Latina. A partir das contribuições teóricas do construtivismo social e dos estudos de administração, é possível observar os corpos burocráticos das organizações internacionais como Administrações Públicas Internacionais (APIs) que influenciam a governança global ao distribuir níveis de governo e mudar as condutas dos Estados. A singularidade da América Latina alerta as Organizações Internacionais (OIs) e suas burocracias internacionais quanto às constantes crises democráticas na região, dos problemas econômicos e sociais e das distorções dos princípios democráticos nas sociedades latino-americanas. O objetivo desta tese, então, é investigar a influência das OIs, de suas burocracias e de suas interações administrativas na democracia latino-americana. É defendida a hipótese de que a cooperação entre a ONU e a OEA impacta nas democracias latino-americanas, por meio de suas atuações conjuntas em missões eleitorais, publicações e eventos. Para tanto, adotou o método de análise misto, com técnicas de pesquisa qualitativa e quantitativa combinadas para melhor explicar o fenômeno estudado. Qualitativamente, fez-se revisões literárias e análises documentais sobre as OIs, as burocracias internacionais e as relações interoganizacionais como atores externos nos processos de democratização da América Latina. Já na etapa quantitativa, realizou-se uma análise descritiva aprofundada do banco de dados inédito e foram empregadas as estimações por Mínimos Quadrados Generalizados (MQG) para dados organizados em painel, para 20 países latino-americanos, no período de 2000 a 2015. A estruturação do banco de dados inovador utilizou as atividades dessas organizações na área da democracia, incluindo os eventos, as publicações e as missões políticas e de assistência eleitoral entre os anos selecionados. Os resultados encontrados confirmaram a hipótese de que a cooperação entre ONU e OEA em suas atividades aumenta o nível de democracia latino-americana. / The present thesis analyzes the influence of the United Nations (UN), the Organization of American States (OAS), their international bureaucracies and their administrative intra and extra-organizational relations in the promotion and defense of democracy in Latin America. By combining the theoretical contributions of social constructivism and management studies, it is observed that the bureaucratic bodies of international organizations such as International Public Administrations (IPAs) influence global governance by distributing the level of government and changing the conduct of States. The singularity of Latin America alerts the International Organizations (IOs) and their international bureaucracies about the constant democratic crisis in the region, the economic and social problems and the distortions of democratic principles in Latin American societies. In this sense, the purpose of this thesis is to investigate the influence of IOs, their bureaucracies and their administrative interactions in Latin American democracy. The working hypothesis is that cooperation between the UN and the OAS impact on Latin American democracies through their joint actions in electoral missions, publications and events. In order to do so, the mixed analysis method was adopted, with qualitative and quantitative research techniques combined to better explain the investigated phenomena. Qualitatively, the thesis uses literary reviews and documentary analysis about the IOs, the international bureaucracies and the inter-organizational relations as external actors in the processes of democratization in Latin America. The quantitative stage of the research included an in-depth descriptive analysis of the database and the usage of estimates by Generalized Least Squares (GLS) for panel data for 20 Latin American countries, from 2000 to 2015. The structuration of the innovative database of this thesis used the organizations’ activities in democracy including events, publications and political and electoral assistance missions during the selected years. The results confirm the initial hypothesis that cooperation between the UN and the OAS in their activities increases the level of democracy in Latin American.

L’océan Arctique est confronté aujourd’hui à des enjeux d’ordre souverain et environnemental. D’une part, ses États riverains revendiquent de vastes territoires maritimes. D’autre part, l’environnement de l’océan Arctique subit de multiples atteintes. La région est notamment affectée par de nombreux polluants. Puis, elle subit également de plein fouet les effets néfastes du réchauffement climatique. Le but de cette étude est de déterminer le statut juridique de l’océan Arctique au travers de ces différentes questions. Plus précisément, cette étude a pour objet l’identification, l’analyse et l’interprétation des régimes régionaux et internationaux applicables, et des problématiques de droit international s’y rapportant, afin d’appréhender le statut juridique de l’océan Arctique dans sa globalité et de déterminer sa capacité à faire face auxdits enjeux et à évoluer dans le cadre d’une coopération et d’une gouvernance interétatiques en constant développement / The Arctic Ocean is facing environmental and territorial challenges. On one hand, the coastal states are claiming vast marine territories. On the other hand, the Arctic Ocean environment suffers from many damages. In particular, the region is affected by a lot of pollutants. Then, the region also bears the brunt of the harmful effects of climate change. This study aims to determinate the legal status of the Arctic Ocean through these different issues. More precisely, this study aims to identify, to analyse and to interpret the regional and international legal regimes which apply to the Arctic Ocean, and their legal issues, in order to consider the legal status of the Arctic Ocean as a whole and to determinate its capacity to deal with environmental and territorial challenges, and to progress in the context of an intergovernmental governance and cooperation in constant development

Cette étude fait valoir, par l’incorporation du droit international et son application dans le système national islandais, illustré par les jugements de la Cour suprême d’Islande, que les limites posées par l’approche dualiste traditionnelle, tels que présentés communément dans la littérature académique islandaise, ont été poussées à leur extrême. On affirme que le principe de dualité des juridictions, tel qu’il est défini dans la littérature juridique, ne décrit pas de façon adéquate le lien réel et important entre le droit international et la loi nationale comme cela apparaît dans les « techniques d’incorporation interprétatives » effectivement utilisées par les cours islandaises. Notre étude fait valoir que l’impact substantif et normatif du droit international non incorporé comporte des éléments de l’approche moniste, se révèle plus complexe et excède de loin la simple description générale du principe dualiste. / This study argues that, by the incorporation of international law into the Icelandic national system and its application on the domestic level, in particular as it appears in the judgments of the Supreme Court of Iceland, the limits set by the traditional dualist approach, as commonly presented in Icelandic academic literature, have been stretched to its outer limits. It is argued that the dualist principle, as defined and described in the legal literature, does not adequately describe the real and substantive relationship between international law and national law as it appears in the „interpretive incorporation techniques“ actually used by the Icelandic courts. It is argued that the real substantive and normative impact of unincorporated international law bears clear elements of the monist approach and is more complicated and far exceeds what is implied in the general description of and reference to the dualist principle.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-13T14:38:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dinastia_solipsismo.pdf: 1241002 bytes, checksum: 4e91919775f9f37d4453e52f880c5f9d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-13T14:38:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dinastia_solipsismo.pdf: 1241002 bytes, checksum: 4e91919775f9f37d4453e52f880c5f9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-25 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A proposta de abordagem do presente estudo pretende analisar o solipsismo soberano na sociedade internacional através das premissas político-jurídicas de Thomas Hobbes no contexto contemporâneo relativo à manutenção da paz e da segurança internacionais, sobretudo na análise do mundo pós Segunda Guerra Mundial, da Carta das Nações Unidas de 1945 e, por consequência, do principal órgão da referida instituição, o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU). A partir da análise temporal centrada na passagem do jusnaturalismo à instituição de um sistema internacional de dominação política, demonstrar-se-á a estabilização do sistema político-internacional por meio das Resoluções e a manutenção do status quo mundial pela regra de unanimidade das grandes potências (direito de veto), apresentando as dimensões de instrumentalização do poder nas relações internacionais, inseridos claramente na perspectiva hobbesiana. Em tal concepção, o Direito Internacional Público assume mínimas funções instrumentais de garantia de paz e de segurança, com vistas à salvaguarda da temporalidade estável do Leviatã mundial hobbesiano. Além disso, demarcando os Direitos Humanos como legitimação por eloquência, a retórica jurídico-minimalista apresentada pelos discursos contemporâneos na política global resta constatada, o que torna a pesquisa, muito além de uma observação e de uma descrição do sistema político-internacional a partir de categorias de Thomas Hobbes, uma articulação perceptiva e reflexiva do despotismo e das controvérsias arrojadas nos processos de manutenção da paz e da segurança internacionais. / The main approach of this study intends to analyze the sovereign solipsism in the international society through the political and legal premises of Thomas Hobbes, in the contemporary context related to the maintenance of international peace and security, particularly in the analysis of the post World War II scenario, as well as the Charter of the United Nations (1945) and, moreover, the main body of that institution: the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). From the temporal analysis focused on the passage of natural law to the establishment of an international system of political domination, it will be demonstrated that the stabilization of the international-political system occurs through Resolutions and the maintenance of the global status quo through the great owers’ unanimity rule (veto right), showing the dimensions of the instrumentalization of power in the international relations field, clearly inserted in a Hobbesian perspective. In this conception, Public International Law assumes minimal and instrumental functions of maintaining peace and security, in a stable temporal safeguarding view of the Hobbesian Leviathan. Moreover, marking Human Rights as a legitimation for eloquence, the rhetoric presented by legal and minimalist contemporary discourses on global politics remains questioned, making the research a perceptive and thoughtful articulation of despotism and the controversies found within the process of maintaining peace and international security, well beyond the observation and description of the political-international system through Thomas Hobbes categories.

The PhD dissertation studies the construction of trade protection in the United States and the European Union. It focuses in particular on measures of contingent protection, comprising anti-dumping duties, countervailing duties and safeguards. The dissertation adopts a constructivist approach based on narrative analysis: broadening the conventional scope of political economy research on trade, the analysis combines the study of narratives with the concept of ‘discourse coalition’. The period under investigation spans over the period 2010-2014, covering the Obama Administration and the mandate of European Commissioner for trade Karel De Gucht. Adopting a comparative approach of the US and EU trade policy, the dissertation provides a detailed analysis of the US administration’s and the European Commission’s discourses on trade protection, and includes an analysis of a large array of other actors’ alternative, or competing constructions of contingent protection. The dissertation demonstrates that a specific type of unilateral enforcement plays an underestimated role in the construction of contingent protection. It also emphasizes that policy actors consider contingent protection as necessary to convince people that the trading system is fair; the research proposes the concept of ‘discursive embedded liberalism’ to account for this specific construction of trade protection. The research underlines elements of continuity and change, showing that many elements of the current crisis within the international trade regime were already in the making in the period under investigation. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished