Syftet är att undersöka hur kampen för allmän och lika rösträtt framställts i svenska läroböcker från början av 1900-talet fram till idag. Med hjälp av läroboksanalys har nio stycken läroböcker granskats. Denna analys gjordes för att se om det gick att urskilja någon förändring hur läroboksförfattare under 1900-talet har behandlat vägen till kvinnlig rösträtt och om några av de utvalda böckerna har förmedlat ett genus- och jämställdhetsbegrepp. Resultatet av läroboksanalysen har visat att läroböcker framställer den kvinnliga rösträtten som något positivt, då det medför till ”äntligen demokrati i Sverige”, dock förmedlar inga av läroboksförfattare vad som händer efter rösträtten. Då läroböckernas perspektiv över tid inte har förändrats, utan författarna vidhåller fortfarande en liknande konstruktion det vill säga att några avsnitt och ”sanna” fakta alltid är rådande. Fastän senare tiders uppmärksammande av genushistoria, kvinnohistoria och synliggörandet av kvinnor hanterats går inte detta att urskilja som en vidare tendens i litteraturen. Under denna period har inte läroböckerna förändrats utan behandlar likartade aspekter och teorier. Nya tankar och synsätt som har skapats har inte bidragit till förändringar utan böckerna fortsätter basera samma ”sanna” fakta i en kronologisk ordning, de gamla texterna har inte omarbetats något nämnvärt. / The aim of this dissertation is to investigate how the struggle for universal suffrage is depicted in Swedish textbooks from the early 1900s until today. The investigation seeks to discern the depiction of women’s struggle for suffrage and to discern whether there is a tendency towards possible change in how textbook authors have depicted this over time. The investigation will be conducted through scrutinizing and analyzing nine textbooks of history. The results from the analysis show that the textbooks depict women’s suffrage as a positive matter, since it results in the feeling of “finally democracy in Sweden”. However, none of the authors of the textbooks attempt to convey what happens after the gain of suffrage. The perspectives in the textbooks do not seem to have changed over time, since the authors still uphold a similar design. In addition, all textbooks seem contain certain passages where “true” facts are predominant. Despite of recent years of acknowledging gender history, women’s history and the increased visibility of women this cannot be discerned as a tendency in the investigated literature. Throughout the scope of analyzed textbooks there is no particular visible change over time, but instead all of the textbooks seem to treat similar aspects and theories. New ideas and approaches that have occurred do not seem to have contributed to any change in the textbooks. The same facts based on “truth” are conveyed in a chronological order, and the older texts are not substantially rewritten.

During the early 20th century, two significant changes were done in relation to suffrage. The first introduced universal suffrage for men between 1907 and 1909. For women, the decision was made in the year 1920 which introduced suffrage for them. Both these reforms included a big debate, and many was against it for different reasons. This study’s purpose has been to investigate the debate out of a gender perspective during both these reforms in newspapers. The material has been delimited to only leader pages and letters to the newspaper with the purpose to see people’s opinions in these questions. The material from the two periods has been compared to each other out of a gender perspective to see differences and similarities between the two reforms. The essay has been written with a qualitive text analysis and the result has been analysed with Yvonne Hirdman’s theory about gender system. The result showed that most of the texts was in favour of a universal suffrage for men and not many was against it. Instead, the debate was about the election system if it would be a majority election or proportional elections. In the texts where the author was against a universal suffrage for men, they were arguing for that poorer social groups should not have suffrage because they were not able to take political decisions. In the second period studying women’s suffrage the opinions were more dissimilar with both argument against and for a reform. The biggest difference between the two periods has been what the focus is on in the arguments against a reform. In the first period it has been on social groups, work, and education. In the second period it has been gender and what their qualities alleges to be. Even if this has been a major difference it can also be seen as a similarity because during both periods, some persons were considered to be more inferior to others. In summary it can be said that Hirdman’s gender system has been visible in many of the arguments.

Den svenska kvinnorösträttskampen har osynliggjorts i den nationella historieskrivningen om demokratiseringsprocessen. De engelska suffragetternas kamp är känd, och hur de offrade sina kroppar för rösträtten. Men de svenska rösträttskvinnorna offrade också sina kroppar för rösträtten i en nära 20 år lång kamp med hårt motstånd. Det är en förvånansvärt okänd och oberättad historia - trots att rösträtt för kvinnor är en grundläggande förutsättning för demokrati och medborgarskap. Här berättas storyn om "Landsföreningen för kvinnas politiska rösträtt" och dess ledare Signe Bergman.

The objective with this paper has been to examine the opinion about the female suffrage in two local newspapers around 1918–1921 in Växjö. The newspaper was Nya Växjöbladet and Smålandsposten. The pick of the newspapers was made for the local connection and its political belonging which was liberal and conservative. As method has been used a qualitative text analysis. The articles were scanned for words associated with female suffrage. These are woman, female and female suffrage (kvinnor, kvinnlig, kvinnlig rösträtt). Via these words adequate articles has been picked and analysed from a political citizen perspective. Key words based on the theory have been status, internship and social benefits. The results show that opinions appeared in the newspapers confirm previous studies that the conservative newspaper harboured more negative approach to the female suffrage and the liberal newspaper more positive approach.

Due to the standards and values that characterized our society through history women have had a hidden place in the historiography. By a qualitative media analysis these values have been analysed to find out how   women with the right to vote moved the values and how they were described in newspapers and magazines.  The study is from Judith Butlers interpretation of how the gender perspective went through a process of normalization. The linguistic dimension of women has been analysed for two reasons firstly to discover how women are described as political subjects in 1911 and 1921 and how this can have affected perceptions of gender and value.  In my study I came to the conclusion that their political interests and achievements most often were overshadowed because of their gender 1911 more than 1921.  During 1921 it was still more important that women were women than men were men. Secondly I have studied how the women through magazines tried to tone down the fact that they were ground breakers. The study resulted in that the women often described their female characteristics in relation to their political relevance to give the reader the impression that femininity and politics belong together. These phenomena showed up more often in magazines than newspapers and were interpreted as these connections between femininity and politics were a part woman’s leverage to get the right to vote. The study contributes to the research of women’s history and a wider understanding for how language and journalism can contribute to perceptions of genus.

Den här C-uppsatsen är skriven vid Institutionen för studier av samhällsutveckling och kultur (ISAK) vid Linköpings universitet. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vilka argument den socialdemokratiska kvinnorörelsen använde sig av i sin agitation för den kvinnliga rösträtten i Morgonbris: tidning för den socialdemokratiska kvinnorörelsen mellan åren 1909-1914, hur denna argumentation förändrades under undersökningsperioden samt hur dessa socialdemokratiska kvinnors inställning till den borgerliga kvinnans rösträttsförening LKPR såg ut gällande den kvinnliga rösträtten. Studien bygger på en kvalitativ textanalys där alla aktuella upplagor av tidningen Morgonbris har närlästs. Undersökningen har sin grund i Yvonne Hirdmans genusteori samt Zygmunt Baumans identitetsteori om ”vi-och-dom”. Analysen visar att den socialdemokratiska kvinnorörelsen argumenterade för kvinnlig rösträtt utifrån: medborgarskap, särart- och likhetsfeminism, klass samt med hjälp av andra länders erfarenheter och framgångar inom området. Andra argument fungerade opinionsbildande med syfte att ena arbetarklassens kvinnor i kampen för den kvinnliga rösträttens införande och att genom starkt organisations- och påverkansarbete få dem att rösta på SAP. Gällande frågan om hur argumentationen förändrades under undersökningsåren visar analysen bl.a. att de socialdemokratiska kvinnorna under undersökningens första år fokuserade på argument av särartsfeministisk karaktär och klassargument. Under undersökningens sista år fokuserade de snarare på argument av likhetsfeministisk karaktär och socialistiska argument – de gick allt mer åt vänster. Beträffande relationen mellan den socialdemokratiska kvinnorörelsen och LKPR visar min undersökning att de socialdemokratiska kvinnornas gemensamma identitet, deras ”vi”, skapades genom att de framställde de borgerliga kvinnorna som ”dom”. De socialdemokratiska kvinnorna ansåg att LKPR inte arbetade för alla kvinnors rätt till rösträtt.

No description available.

The women who fought for suffrage during the turn of the century were opposing many of the current conceptions about how women were supposed to act, primarily in the sense that they were active, had agency and created their own space to maneuver. Most research on the suffrage movement in Sweden has focused on the central organization and not on the local grassroots movements. The purpose of this study is therefore to examine women’s collective space to maneuver in Umeå by studying women’s organization in Umeå Förening för kvinnans politiska rösträtt (FKPR) during the period 1903-1921. The study is carried out by examining preserved material from the organization’s protocols and local newspapers during the time period. The study uses Maud Eduard’s theory on space to maneuver in order to analyze the material. Eduard’s theory focuses on how women’s organizations are important in the process of undoing gender and how the organization itself has impact on women’s collective space to maneuver. The analytic part of the study highlights how conceptions about gender and class were central for the women’s space to maneuver and that Umeå FKPR both challenged and reproduced these conceptions. The results show that the collective actions of the suffragist-women contributed to make visible the constructions of the masculine and the feminine. The actions by the suffragettes in Umeå therefore contributed to drawing attention to the fact that gender was a political dimension. The study concludes by discussing the actions of women in relation to their space to maneuver, the local context and the importance of women’s networks.

This essay aims to study the Swedish suffrage movement, LKPR from an emotional historical perspective. How did the activists in the early 1900s relate to emotions, in a time in which women were described as “too emotional” to participate on the public stage? What do the emotions that got expressed actually mean and how could this affect the practical actions of the organisation? Do the activists share an emotional language, simply because they share the same restrictions and goals in life? The study will be formed as a discourse analysis, which will show us the importance of understanding that language and practical actions are interrelated. In time, we will see how the Swedish organisation actually used quite an aggressive rhetorical language, which differs from their practical actions. They used words such as unworthy, threatening, guiltand shame, belligerent, etc. And I came to realize just how willing and well the organisation and the actors within this compound actually adapted their language and the emotions that they described depending on the social, religious and political context that they found themselves to be in. The LKPR:s own journal very rarely held back emotions in any way, while actors within the organization that also wrote in other journals adapted to the preconceptions that could be found within those surroundings and readers. And based on this fact, the language of the LKPR:s actors and journal differs quite a lot from other common newspapers that were published at the same time and that discussed the same kind of issues. I would not hesitate tosay that the language of the LKPR actually does remind quite a lot about the english suffragettś rethorics, and therefore, I will argue, that further studies would gain from studying the relationship between the swedish activists and the english suffragettes, how this relationship affected the language and emotions and the practical actions.

Uppsatsen undersöker konstnär Gerda Sprinchorns arbete och liv som kvinna och skulptör i Stockholm, kring sekelskiftet och första delen av 1900-talet.Gerda Sprinchorn deltar i ett trettiotal utställningar, nationellt och internationellt och då ofta tillsammans med skulptörerna; Sigrid Blomberg, Alice Nordin, Ruth Milles och Lena Börjesson.Hon liksom många andra kvinnliga skulptörer hittar en egen väg som ger henne möjligheter att försörja sig eftersom de stora välbetalda uppdragen för skulptörer går till de manliga. För Sprinchorn får småkonsten, statyetterna stor betydelse och ger henne möjligheten att kunna arbeta och försörja sig som skulptör. Statyetterna tillverkas i olika material och vissa av dem är återkommande under hela hennes konstnärskap i olika utföranden.En större och konstnärligare frihet och möjlighet att experimentera och utveckla sin konst tycker man sig ana inom hennes arbeten i fajans och då ofta i samarbete med sin livskamrat Ragnhild Godenius i deras gemensamma keramikverkstad i Rönninge.Gerda Sprinchorn finns representerad bland annat hos Nationalmuseum, Trelleborgs museum, Malmö museer och Stortingets konstsamlingar i Oslo.