When analyzed within Marxist theory understandings, local governments can be considered as a body of administrative, political, social and economic relations which are defined in a certain spatial scale based on uneven development of capital accumulation. This definition removes the local governments from the context of a simple organizational-administrative problem and places them into a political context. Hence, as experience and strategies of socialist customs in our country is investigated regarding local governments, it can be observed that a serious experience is not present excepts certain limited examples. In this study, different from municipalism understanding constrained within today&rsquo / s neoliberal marketism and Islamist conservatism, possibilities of socialist municipalism will be discussed. In this context, &ldquo / socialist municipalism&rdquo / claim, which is trying to be actualized in Hozat Municipality, which is the study area of this thesis, will be analyzed depending on statement and application relation of the municipal administration, with observations made in the area and interviews.

<p>Background: From the beginning of the 60´s until the beginning of the 80´s the swedish local government has expand enourmously. The expansion didn´t lead to any discussions about how the local government should be controlled or organized. The local government should instead be organized and controlled as administrations. Lately it has became more usual to have these discussions about how local government should be controlled and organized. Nowadys it´s not unusual that local governments imitate private companies. </p><p>Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how local governments have had the possibility to use Balanced Scorecard. </p><p>Limitations: We have only analyzed how local governments have had the opportunity to use Kaplan&Nortons original model about Balanced Scorecard. </p><p>Method: We have performed a case study, where we have carried out eight interviews with a total of ten respondents from four local governments and Svenska Kommunförbundet. We have also used internal documents, Internet and already written literature concerning Balanced Scorecard. We have also used local governments respective private companies characteristics. </p><p>Results: Local governments characteristics result in that the original model about Balanced Scorecard, can´t be used in local governments as it is performed by Kaplan&Norton. It´s still possible to use the basic idea of the model, but it has to be adapted to local governments conditions.</p>

Submitted by Roberto Gomides (robertogomides@me.com) on 2017-10-17T20:35:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Mestrado_Roberto-Gomides.pdf: 1276792 bytes, checksum: 4d27cb9f423d93e15b9ec8a1a728c15e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by GILSON ROCHA MIRANDA (gilson.miranda@fgv.br) on 2017-11-17T12:30:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Mestrado_Roberto-Gomides.pdf: 1276792 bytes, checksum: 4d27cb9f423d93e15b9ec8a1a728c15e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-29T13:41:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Mestrado_Roberto-Gomides.pdf: 1276792 bytes, checksum: 4d27cb9f423d93e15b9ec8a1a728c15e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-19 / In the past few years, several Brazilian subnational governments have developed an extremely high dependency on royalties revenues from the oil and gas exploration, but the financial flow generated by those revenues keep a strong relation with the several market variables like the Brent price, the level of production and the exchange rate. Despite the fact that revenues may oscillate with the market, it is reasonable to assume that Brazilian public expenditures are inflexible in both short and medium term, so the government´s inertia towards market movements may compromise a sound budget policy. This paper intends to propose a hedge strategy for those revenues complying with restrictions imposed by the Brazilian legal framework. / Nos últimos anos, diversos entes subnacionais brasileiros se submeteram a uma forte dependência das receitas oriundas de royalties e participações especiais provenientes da exploração de petróleo e gás natural. Entretanto, como o fluxo financeiro gerado por essas receitas guarda forte relação com o preço do Brent, nível de produção e câmbio, tal fluxo pode sofrer severas oscilações durante o exercício financeiro. Ocorre que, no Brasil, enquanto que as receitas ficam sujeitas à flutuações, as despesas obedecem a uma rigidez, e, nesse sentido, a inércia dos entes públicos perante aos movimentos do mercado pode comprometer a elaboração de um orçamento equilibrado. Dado o exposto, o presente trabalho visa propor uma estratégia de proteção às receitas em questão, observadas as restrições legais impostas aos entes subnacionais.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Lúcio Nagib Bittencourt / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Políticas Públicas, 2017. / Este trabalho trata da experiência de Iguape, município situado no litoral sul de São Paulo, na preservação de seu conjunto urbano tombado pelos órgãos de patrimônio cultural estadual Condephaat e federal IPHAN, por meio de ações promovidas direta ou indiretamente pelo governo local, mediante a interação e articulação com vários outros atores atuantes no local. O objetivo é discutir o papel desse nível de governo no campo do patrimônio, analisando-se as relações intergovernamentais (RIGs) estabelecidas entre as três esferas federativas e também entre Estado e sociedade (RES). O trabalho tem como base principal pesquisa de campo, constituída por visitas, entrevistas e conversas com os agentes envolvidos na experiência de Iguape. Busca-se contribuir com reflexões que permitam o diálogo com a literatura de políticas públicas e de patrimônio, ambas ainda restritas quando se refere à ação de governos locais na preservação de conjuntos urbanos tombados, particularmente quando situados em pequenos municípios no Brasil. / This work deals with the experience of Iguape, a municipality located on the south coast of São Paulo, in the preservation of its historical urban center by state and federal cultural cultural heritage bodies Condephaat and IPHAN, respectively through actions promoted directly or indirectly by local government, through the interaction and articulation with several other actors in place. The objective is to discuss the role of this level of government in the field of cultural heritage public policies, analyzing the intergovernmental relations established among the three federative spheres and also between State and society. The work is based mainly on field research, through visits, interviews, and chats with the agents involved in the experience in Iguape. It aims to contribute with reflections to the literature of public policies and cultural heritage, both still restricted when it refers to the action of local governments in the preservation of historical urban settlements, particularly when located in small municipalities in Brasil.

A despeito da crescente literatura sobre a atuação internacional dos governos locais, permanece a percepção de que faltam perspectivas teóricas e empíricas que abordem os fatores que influenciam na formação das estruturas e estratégias internacionais na gestão pública local. Tendo em vista tais carências, a presente tese tem por objetivos apresentar (i) uma discussão teórica e conceitual sobre o tema, propondo a utilização do termo \"relações externas subnacionais\" como conceito mais adequado à descrição do fenômeno em estudo; (ii) um instrumento de análise que relaciona os principais fatores impulsionadores das relações externas subnacionais propostos por Kuznetsov (2015) aos três níveis da paradiplomacia propostos por Lecours (2008) - econômico, político e de cooperação; e (iii) uma análise comparativa dos casos de São Paulo e Toronto, explorando os respectivos processos de institucionalização das relações externas destas duas cidades. Analisando-se o processo de institucionalização das relações externas na gestão local das duas cidades, verificou-se a existência de três principais aspectos que influenciaram tal processo: (i) o contexto econômico, político e social de cada cidade; (ii) a relação entre o tipo de federalismo existente no Brasil e Canadá e o estabelecimento de relações externas no nível local; e (iii) o perfil de atuação do gestor público local. / Despite a growing literature on the subject of the international insertion of local governments, there is still a lack of theoretical and empirical perspectives that appropriately approach the several factors that influence the formation of the structures that deal with the international strategies within local public management. Due to this shortage, this thesis is focused on offering (i) a conceptual and theoretical discussion on the subject, proposing the adoption of the term \"subnational foreign relations\" as a more adequate concept to describe the phenomenon in analysis; (ii) an analytical framework that connect the main causes for boosting subnational foreign relations, according to Kuznetsov (2015) to the three layers of paradiplomacy according to Lecours (2008) - economic, cooperation and political; and (iii) a comparative analysis between the cases of São Paulo and Toronto, exploring the processes of institutionalization of foreign relations in the public management of both cities. By describing and analyzing these processes, this thesis encountered the existence of three main causes for a deepening institutionalization of the foreign relations in the local public apparatus on both cities: (i) the economic, political and social context of each city; (ii) the relationship between the type of federalism of Brazil and Canada and the establishment of foreign relations in the local level; and (iii) the performance profile the mayor.

Le mouvement accru de rationalisation des dépenses publiques conduit les acteurs publics français et notamment les collectivités territoriales à faire de nombreux choix et arbitrages parmi les initiatives menées en-dehors du champ traditionnel de leurs compétences obligatoires. « Que faire de l'Action Internationale ? » est au centre des débats, alors que la demande sociale est toujours plus conséquente sur les territoires français. Comment comprendre qu'en parallèle des efforts de plus en plus importants demandés aux citoyens, on dépense de l'argent public ailleurs? En période de crise, certaines politiques publiques sont remises en question et peuvent paraître superflues. Au premier regard, l'action internationale est de celles-ci. Ce travail vise à répondre à la question suivante : pourquoi les collectivités territoriales coopèrent-elles à l'échelle internationale ?Les actions internationales des collectivités territoriales relèvent historiquement d'une démarche de solidarité internationale. La perception de la coopération décentralisée comme outil d'aide au développement dans les pays partenaires est, encore aujourd'hui, une réalité constamment rappelée dans les discours des élus locaux, des associations partenaires, et de l'Etat. Aussi, la coopération décentralisée ne révolutionne-t-elle pas les objectifs généraux de l'Aide Publique au Développement, dans la mesure où elle constitue davantage un changement d'échelle qu'un changement de modèle. Pourtant, ces dernières années, apparaissent des visions plus « stratégiques » de l'AICT, qui a connu des évolutions en termes notamment de diversification géographiques et thématiques. On voit ainsi se développer de plus en plus d‘actions internationales à caractère économique ou visant le rayonnement des territoires et leurs positionnement sur la scène internationale.En 2013, l'Action Internationale des Collectivités Territoriales se situe donc, selon les contextes, quelque part entre l'aide et une véritable co-opération. La nécessaire synthèse entre les attentes émises par les collectivités territoriales étrangères et l'intérêt local pour les territoires français oblige alors à questionner les aspects fondamentaux que sont le partenariat et la marge de négociation des deux parties. La réciprocité peut-elle exister ? Est-il possible de penser l'Action internationale comme un outil de résolution des problématiques locales ? De quelle(s) manière les expériences des collectivités territoriales partenaires peuvent elles représenter des sources d'inspiration et d'innovation utiles au développement des territoires français ? Ces différentes questions nous amèneront à interroger la place de l'Action internationale au sein des politiques publiques locales : une compétence à part entière ou un mode d'exercice et d'amélioration des compétences « traditionnelles » ? / Increasing cuts of local expenses lead French public authorities make decisions and choices between public policies which do not look priority. In times of economic crisis, some policies may look useless and can be questioned. Should local governments maintain international action whereas social demand is deeply increasing on French territories? Is it still justifiable to keep on spending public money abroad?Local government's international actions (LGIA) are historically based on an international solidarity practice. Decentralized cooperation does not seem to really “revolutionize” Development Public Aid: the scale has changed, not the model. Nevertheless, these last years, LGIA knew real deep geographical and thematic evolutions. Strategic visions are emerging. Economic cooperation, international forecasts…local government's international action became a way for territories to position on international scene.In 2013, Local Government's International Action is located, depending on the contexts, somewhere between aid and real cooperation. Which synthesis can be made between foreign partners' wishes and local interest? Partnership and negotiations between the two parties are key-notions. How to evaluate relationships between territories? Does reciprocity really exists? Can LGIA be part of territorial projects and seen as a strategic way to work on French territorial stakes? How can local governments improve their own practices by inspiring from foreign experiences? Is LGIA a fully local public policy or a transversal operating mode?

As mudanças climáticas impõem um conjunto de desafios à sociedade contemporânea. Nesse sentido, esta dissertação trata das mudanças climáticas a partir da abordagem dos governos locais e, mais especificamente, da experiência da cidade de São Paulo. A política climática permitiu que o município paulistano exercesse um protagonismo no cenário nacional e regional, além de uma inserção internacional. A cidade promulgou em junho de 2009, antes do estado de São Paulo e da União, a lei que criou e institucionalizou sua política de mudança do clima. O recorte cronológico considerou os mandatos dos prefeitos Marta Suplicy (PT), de 2001 a 2004; José Serra (PSDB), de 2005 a 2006; Gilberto Kassab (PFL/DEM/PSD), de 2006 a 2012; e Fernando Haddad (PT), de 2013 a 2016. Esse período foi analisado a partir do referencial teórico da sociologia política, considerando especificamente a figura do mediador de políticas públicas e os instrumentos da ação pública. Em termos metodológicos foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica não sistemática, pesquisas em legislações e periódicos da época e a aplicação de questionário semiestruturado em entrevistas com atores-chave. O questionamento central foi: o que permitiu que a cidade de São Paulo exercesse um protagonismo no campo das políticas públicas em mudanças climáticas no Brasil? A busca pela resposta a essa pergunta indicou que um conjunto de instrumentos da ação pública local começou a ser implementado pelo menos desde 2003 e, a partir do momento em que os valores das mudanças climáticas passaram a representar a principal referência das ações da Secretaria do Verde e Meio Ambiente (SVMA), uma série de ações intersetoriais ganharam força. Eduardo Jorge exerceu uma liderança importante nesse processo, sendo o Secretário de Meio Ambiente mais longevo. Entretanto, quando um novo governo assumiu o poder em São Paulo a partir de 2013, a política climática perdeu força e sofreu retrocessos. / The climate change imposes a set of challenges to the contemporary society. This dissertation considers the climate change from the local governments approach and, more specifically, the São Paulos city experience. The climate policy allowed the city to play a leading role at the national regional scenario, besides an international insertion. The city has promulgated in June 2009 the law that created and institutionalized its climate change policy, before the State of São Paulo and the Union. The period analyzed considered the mandates of mayors Marta Suplicy (PT) from 2001 to 2004, José Serra (PSDB) in 2005 and Gilberto Kassab (PFL/DEM/PSD) from 2006 to 2012, and Fernando Haddad (PT) from 2013 to 2016. This period was analyzed from the theoretical reference of the political sociology perspective, considering specifically the figure of the public policies mediator and public action instruments. The methodology adopted was based on non-systematic bibliographic review, researches in legislation and journals, and the application of semi structured questionnaire on interviews with key actors. What allowed the city of São Paulo to play a leading role in the field of public policies on climate change in Brazil? The quest for the answer to this question indicated that a set of local public action instruments have been in place since at least 2003 and, as climate change values have come to represent the main reference of SVMA actions, a series of intersetorial actions gained strength. Eduardo Jorge has an important leadership in this process, being the environmental secretary during the longer analyzed period. However, when the new São Paulos government takes place from 2013, climate change policy loses strength and has setbacks.

Les mutations des échelles de responsabilité, ainsi que le rôle de l'immigration dans la production physique mais aussi symbolique de la ville, sont analysés à travers le prisme des politiques locales d'immigration et d'intégration mises en œuvre dans les villes israéliennes d'Acre, Arad, Kiryat Gat et Kiryat Shmona. La politique volontariste d'accueil des immigrés juifs en Israël, datant des années 1950, est mise à l'épreuve de la décentralisation. En réalité, seule une partie des autorités locales mettent en place des politiques locales d'immigration et d'intégration. L'enquête montre que ces villes moyennes font souvent le choix de former de façon proactive une politique locale afin de « choisir » les immigrés qui s'y installent d'une part ; et de développer de nouveaux canaux d'accès à des ressources publiques d'autre part. Dans ce contexte, la mise en place d'une politique d'immigration dans la ville engendre une situation d'interdépendance entre des acteurs situées à des échelles de pouvoir différentes. Avec l'éclatement des responsabilités, les acteurs sont mis en concurrence pour obtenir les ressources publiques et privées dédiées à l'intégration des immigrés. L'immigration prend part à la fabrique du lieu. Via la mise en valeur de la contribution des anciennes vagues d'immigration, et le potentiel imaginé des futurs immigrés, l'immigration est envisagée comme un renouveau démographique, économique ou culturel. Conçue comme un levier, elle permet de redéfinir les échelles de développement de ces villes frontières. / Mutations of scales of power, as well as the role of immigration in the physical and symbolic production of the city, are analysed through immigrant integration policies in the cities of Acre, Arad, Kiryat Gat and Kiryat Shmona in Israel. Jewish immigration policies, as defined by the State of Israel from 1950s onwards, are challenged by decentralisation. However, only some local governments actively make local immigrant integration policies. The inquiry shows that these mid-sized cities proactively formulate a local policy in order to “choose” the immigrants that settle on the one hand; and to access new channels of public resources on the other hand.In that context, the implementation of an immigrant policy in the city leads to interdependence between actors located at various scales of power. With the fragmentation of responsibilities, actors compete to obtain the public and private resources for immigrant integration. Immigration is part of the making of place. Through the reintegration of former waves of immigration, and the imagined potential of future immigrants, immigration is foreseen as a demographic, economic or cultural renewal. It is a lever to redefine the development scales of those frontier towns.Keywords: Scales, governance, local governments, places, mid-sized cities, biographical method, immigration, integration policies, Israel.

Cette thèse a pour but de contribuer à la connaissance des facteurs et processus politiques agissant sur les finances des collectivités locales. Cette problématique est étudiée à partir d'une analyse empirique des comptes des communes françaises. Les deux premiers chapitres de cette thèse visent à étudier les liens entre décideurs politiques de différents échelons de pouvoir public et leur impact sur l'allocation territoriale de fonds publics d'investissement. L'analyse se concentre sur les subventions d'investissement reçues par les municipalités, et montre un impact important du cumul des mandats ainsi que de la carrière d'élu local des responsables politiques nationaux sur l'allocation de ces transferts. Le troisième chapitre de cette thèse vise à évaluer l'impact des inégalités de revenu au niveau municipal sur les décisions de finance publique locale. Cette analyse s'inscrit dans une abondante littérature en Économie Politique visant à déterminer l'impact de la distribution des revenus sur les processus de décision publique. Les résultats montrent un rôle significatif des inégalités de revenu sur les niveaux d'infrastructure publique municipale et de taxation locale. / This thesis aims at bringing new knowledge on political factors and processes affecting local governments. This investigation is made through an empirical analysis of French municipalities’ accounts. The first two chapters of this thesis investigate the impact of links between politicians of different tiers of government on the territorial allocation of public investment funds. The analysis focuses on discretionary investment grants received by municipalities. Evidence shows an important impact of multiple office-holding, and a significant influence of top national politicians’ career in local councils on the allocation of these transfers. The third chapter of this thesis aims at studying the impact of local income inequality on local public decisions. This work contributes to an important literature in Political Economy on the impact of income distribution on political processes. Evidence suggests a significant role of income inequality on local public investment and local taxation.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar se a cooperação internacional descentralizada via redes de articulação institucional de cidades traz impactos nas políticas locais de direitos humanos. Para isso, foi realizado estudo de caso específico sobre a relação da rede Cidades e Governos Locais Unidos (CGLU) - e sua Comissão de Inclusão Social, Democracia Participativa e Direitos Humanos (CISDPDH) - com a Prefeitura de São Paulo (PMSP) - e sua Secretaria Municipal de Direitos Humanos e Cidadania (SMDHC) -, durante a gestão do Prefeito Fernando Haddad (2013-2016). O estudo foi elaborado tanto por meio da revisão bibliográfica sobre ação internacional de governos locais, cooperação descentralizada, redes de cidades e direitos humanos nas cidades, como pela análise de relatórios e documentos da CGLU e da PMSP e entrevistas com atores-chave. Verificou-se, então, que a CGLU não tem como foco de sua atuação a cooperação descentralizada em si, mas o advocacy pela incidência dos governos locais na arena internacional. Esse perfil é então refletido nas atividades de sua Comissão de Direitos Humanos, que ficam centradas também ao advocacy, sobretudo, de agendas ligadas ao direito à cidade. Assim, não são evidentes os efeitos concretos e diretos que a participação na CGLU pode trazer de fato às políticas públicas de suas cidades-membro. No que diz respeito à Prefeitura de São Paulo, verificou-se que, a partir da retomada de adesão à CGLU esperava-se seu protagonismo político na rede, o que não ocorreu. Como a CGLU mostrou ser uma rede essencialmente política, a baixa atuação de uma cidade-membro neste aspecto, como foi a de São Paulo, acabou por limitar ainda mais os próprios benefícios que a PMSP poderia apreender de sua participação na rede, reduzindo-se também as possibilidades de haver algum impacto significativo em sua política pública municipal de direitos humanos. / The aim of this dissertation is to analyze whether decentralized international cooperation through networks of institutional articulation of cities has impacts on local human rights policies. For that, a specific case study was carried out on the relationship between the United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) network - and its Committee on Social Inclusion, Participatory Democracy and Human Rights (CISDPDH) - and São Paulo City Hall (PMSP) - and its Municipal Secretariat for Human Rights and Citizenship (SMDHC) -, during the administration of Mayor Fernando Haddad (2013-2016). The research was developed through the bibliographic review on international action of local governments, decentralized cooperation, city networks and human rights in the cities; as well as through the analysis of UCLG\'s and PMSP\'s reports and documents and also interviews with key actors. It was then verified that UCLG does not focus its action on decentralized cooperation itself, but on advocacy for the incidence of local governments in the international arena. This profile is then reflected in the activities of its Human Rights Committee, which are also focused on the advocacy, mainly of agendas related to the right to the city. Thus, the concrete and direct effects that participation in UCLG can actually bring to the public policies of its member cities are not evident. With regard to São Paulo City Hall, it was verified that, since the resumption of its adhesion to UCLG, it was expected its political protagonism in the network, which did not actually occurred. As UCLG proved to be, in essence, a political network, the low performance of a member city in this respect, such as it was São Paulo\'s, ended up limiting even more the benefits that PMSP could have from its participation in the network, also reducing the possibilities of having some significant impact on its municipal public policy of human rights.