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Syftet med föreliggande studie är att undersöka hur hinsides människors samvaro med den fysiska människan gestaltas i serien Hemsökt: övernaturliga upplevelser. Medieanalysens resultat utförs ur ett multimodalt perspektiv. Serien är multimodal vilket betyder att flera modaliteter samspelar för att få effekt för ett kommunikativt syfte i hur hinsides människors samvaro gestaltas. I resultatet förekommer det semiotiska resurser i modaliteterna miljö och föremål, kommunikation, fysisk gestaltning av hinsides människan, kamerans position och rörelse, ljus och bild samt ljud och musik som leder till tolkningen att serien som multimodal formar en fiktion så pass nära en människas vardag som om fiktionen blir en skildring av verkligheten. Resultatet diskuteras sedan mot teorin medialisering som beskriver att västvärldens människor har media som den primära källan om information och kunskap i hur världen fungerar. Serien Hemsökt: övernaturliga upplevelser, utifrån teorin medialisering, bevisar att paranormala händelser är mer accepterat och en mer accepterad uppfattning om vad som händer utanför livet som de existentiella frågorna inte når.

<p>Politiken i Sverige har de senaste åren blivit allt mer medialiserad, vilket innebär att medierna har en stor makt att påverka politiken indirekt eftersom det är via dem som nyheter och information sprids. Inom det politiska området har Public Relations (PR) fått ett allt större utrymme genom dess arbete med organisationer, politiska organ/ aktörer, journalister och media och så vidare. PR-bolagen arbetar i det ”dolda” och det framgår inte alltid för mottagaren att det är en PR-byrå som konstruerat meddelandet. Eftersom PR-byråerna har ett stort nätverk har de således många kontakter, vilket ger dem en viss makt när det gäller olika sakfrågor eftersom de använder sig i hög grad av lobbning för att åstadkomma opinionsbildning och annan påverkan. PR-byråerna arbetar således mycket med bland annat opinionsbildning och verkar för att deras klienter ska få utrymme i medierna. Förutom detta arbetar de även med krishantering och enskilda politiker. Detta arbete ger PR-byråerna viss påverkansmakt, men väcker även frågor om etik och moral. Etiska dilemman finns i alla branscher och finns även inom PR. Vissa forskare beskriver etik inom PR som något individen själv tar ställning till och inte något som är branschorienterat. Normen är exempelvis att alla tar jobben som de får in, vilket kan ses som en moralisk tveksamhet.  Denna uppsats syftar till att genom kvalitativa forskningsintervjuer undersöka hur PR-byråer och dess konsulter arbetar med frågor om makt, etik, opinionsbildning, lobbning och sociala medier.</p>

<p>The Nord Stream natural gas pipeline has been a controversial project. The debate was primarily escalated by Poland's strong negative reaction to the project in the spring of 2006 over safety and security and then alternated back and forth in Europe until the approval by the nations most concerned in the Baltic region during the autumn of 2009.In the case study an approach is used that primarily maps out the media image of the various viewpoints that deal with the pipeline and how these viewpoints position themselves, primarily through political and environmental dimensions. Simultaneously there’s an attempt to map out the spatial spread of the media image views as to the proximity and distance to the pipeline in Sweden, Poland and Germany. A key question is whether distance or proximity to a large facility can affect people's attitudes.A parallel focus of the study is to explore the role of the Nord Stream natural gas pipeline in the cross-border hinterland region of Szczecin-Świnoujście. The complex cross-border relationship between Germany and Poland is characterized by the opportunities and obstacles to mobility & the potential of conflict between the needs of the individual vs. the state, partly due to an unbalanced hierarchy between the two nations.An understanding of the pipeline's impact on the border region is shown in part by an analysis of the city of Szczecin's theoretical potential in its hinterland, with special reference to the impact of the state boundary before and after Poland's entry into the European Union and the Schengen regime.Other contributions to the outline of this thesis deal partly with Medialisation and Framing, as the media-investigation in the study handles concerns, arguments and opinions about the pipeline-project, highlighted by the media. Another subject deals with risk assessment, as no one can be certain what will happen in case of an accident to the pipeline.A general concluding comment to the results of the media-investigation is that they are too parsimonious. However there are some assumptions to be made: In the resulting discussion it is argued, among other things, that from the political aspect both Poland and Sweden share a negative opinion towards the pipeline, while the opinion of German people appears positive to the project, according to the media viewpoints. From the environmentalaspect the over-all picture is that the opinions of the whole of Poland and the local levels of Germany and Sweden respectively (i.e. people living near the Nord Stream pipeline) are negative also – feel unsafe according to the project, due to the media viewpoints.A second assumption is that the media location does not play a major role in the way media coverage highlights the views of those for the pipeline or those against the pipeline.The overall impression is that the media coverage largely follows state affinities, in the sense that the relative openness of the argument that every state seems to represent, seems also to be reflected through media coverage in each state.The Nord Stream natural gas pipeline has been a controversial project. The debate was primarily escalated by Poland's strong negative reaction to the project in the spring of 2006 over safety and security and then alternated back and forth in Europe until the approval by the nations most concerned in the Baltic region during the autumn of 2009.In the case study an approach is used that primarily maps out the media image of the various viewpoints that deal with the pipeline and how these viewpoints position themselves, primarily through political and environmental dimensions. Simultaneously there’s an attempt to map out the spatial spread of the media image views as to the proximity and distance to the pipeline in Sweden, Poland and Germany. A key question is whether distance or proximity to a large facility can affect people's attitudes.A parallel focus of the study is to explore the role of the Nord Stream natural gas pipeline in the cross-border hinterland region of Szczecin-Świnoujście. The complex cross-border relationship between Germany and Poland is characterized by the opportunities and obstacles to mobility & the potential of conflict between the needs of the individual vs. the state, partly due to an unbalanced hierarchy between the two nations.An understanding of the pipeline's impact on the border region is shown in part by an analysis of the city of Szczecin's theoretical potential in its hinterland, with special reference to the impact of the state boundary before and after Poland's entry into the European Union and the Schengen regime.Other contributions to the outline of this thesis deal partly with Medialisation and Framing, as the media-investigation in the study handles concerns, arguments and opinions about the pipeline-project, highlighted by the media. Another subject deals with risk assessment, as no one can be certain what will happen in case of an accident to the pipeline.A general concluding comment to the results of the media-investigation is that they are too parsimonious. However there are some assumptions to be made: In the resulting discussion it is argued, among other things, that from the political aspect both Poland and Sweden share a negative opinion towards the pipeline, while the opinion of German people appears positive to the project, according to the media viewpoints. From the environmentalaspect the over-all picture is that the opinions of the whole of Poland and the local levels of Germany and Sweden respectively (i.e. people living near the Nord Stream pipeline) are negative also – feel unsafe according to the project, due to the media viewpoints.A second assumption is that the media location does not play a major role in the way media coverage highlights the views of those for the pipeline or those against the pipeline.The overall impression is that the media coverage largely follows state affinities, in the sense that the relative openness of the argument that every state seems to represent, seems also to be reflected through media coverage in each state.</p>

Politiken i Sverige har de senaste åren blivit allt mer medialiserad, vilket innebär att medierna har en stor makt att påverka politiken indirekt eftersom det är via dem som nyheter och information sprids. Inom det politiska området har Public Relations (PR) fått ett allt större utrymme genom dess arbete med organisationer, politiska organ/ aktörer, journalister och media och så vidare. PR-bolagen arbetar i det ”dolda” och det framgår inte alltid för mottagaren att det är en PR-byrå som konstruerat meddelandet. Eftersom PR-byråerna har ett stort nätverk har de således många kontakter, vilket ger dem en viss makt när det gäller olika sakfrågor eftersom de använder sig i hög grad av lobbning för att åstadkomma opinionsbildning och annan påverkan. PR-byråerna arbetar således mycket med bland annat opinionsbildning och verkar för att deras klienter ska få utrymme i medierna. Förutom detta arbetar de även med krishantering och enskilda politiker. Detta arbete ger PR-byråerna viss påverkansmakt, men väcker även frågor om etik och moral. Etiska dilemman finns i alla branscher och finns även inom PR. Vissa forskare beskriver etik inom PR som något individen själv tar ställning till och inte något som är branschorienterat. Normen är exempelvis att alla tar jobben som de får in, vilket kan ses som en moralisk tveksamhet.  Denna uppsats syftar till att genom kvalitativa forskningsintervjuer undersöka hur PR-byråer och dess konsulter arbetar med frågor om makt, etik, opinionsbildning, lobbning och sociala medier.

The Nord Stream natural gas pipeline has been a controversial project. The debate was primarily escalated by Poland's strong negative reaction to the project in the spring of 2006 over safety and security and then alternated back and forth in Europe until the approval by the nations most concerned in the Baltic region during the autumn of 2009.In the case study an approach is used that primarily maps out the media image of the various viewpoints that deal with the pipeline and how these viewpoints position themselves, primarily through political and environmental dimensions. Simultaneously there’s an attempt to map out the spatial spread of the media image views as to the proximity and distance to the pipeline in Sweden, Poland and Germany. A key question is whether distance or proximity to a large facility can affect people's attitudes.A parallel focus of the study is to explore the role of the Nord Stream natural gas pipeline in the cross-border hinterland region of Szczecin-Świnoujście. The complex cross-border relationship between Germany and Poland is characterized by the opportunities and obstacles to mobility &amp; the potential of conflict between the needs of the individual vs. the state, partly due to an unbalanced hierarchy between the two nations.An understanding of the pipeline's impact on the border region is shown in part by an analysis of the city of Szczecin's theoretical potential in its hinterland, with special reference to the impact of the state boundary before and after Poland's entry into the European Union and the Schengen regime.Other contributions to the outline of this thesis deal partly with Medialisation and Framing, as the media-investigation in the study handles concerns, arguments and opinions about the pipeline-project, highlighted by the media. Another subject deals with risk assessment, as no one can be certain what will happen in case of an accident to the pipeline.A general concluding comment to the results of the media-investigation is that they are too parsimonious. However there are some assumptions to be made: In the resulting discussion it is argued, among other things, that from the political aspect both Poland and Sweden share a negative opinion towards the pipeline, while the opinion of German people appears positive to the project, according to the media viewpoints. From the environmentalaspect the over-all picture is that the opinions of the whole of Poland and the local levels of Germany and Sweden respectively (i.e. people living near the Nord Stream pipeline) are negative also – feel unsafe according to the project, due to the media viewpoints.A second assumption is that the media location does not play a major role in the way media coverage highlights the views of those for the pipeline or those against the pipeline.The overall impression is that the media coverage largely follows state affinities, in the sense that the relative openness of the argument that every state seems to represent, seems also to be reflected through media coverage in each state.The Nord Stream natural gas pipeline has been a controversial project. The debate was primarily escalated by Poland's strong negative reaction to the project in the spring of 2006 over safety and security and then alternated back and forth in Europe until the approval by the nations most concerned in the Baltic region during the autumn of 2009.In the case study an approach is used that primarily maps out the media image of the various viewpoints that deal with the pipeline and how these viewpoints position themselves, primarily through political and environmental dimensions. Simultaneously there’s an attempt to map out the spatial spread of the media image views as to the proximity and distance to the pipeline in Sweden, Poland and Germany. A key question is whether distance or proximity to a large facility can affect people's attitudes.A parallel focus of the study is to explore the role of the Nord Stream natural gas pipeline in the cross-border hinterland region of Szczecin-Świnoujście. The complex cross-border relationship between Germany and Poland is characterized by the opportunities and obstacles to mobility &amp; the potential of conflict between the needs of the individual vs. the state, partly due to an unbalanced hierarchy between the two nations.An understanding of the pipeline's impact on the border region is shown in part by an analysis of the city of Szczecin's theoretical potential in its hinterland, with special reference to the impact of the state boundary before and after Poland's entry into the European Union and the Schengen regime.Other contributions to the outline of this thesis deal partly with Medialisation and Framing, as the media-investigation in the study handles concerns, arguments and opinions about the pipeline-project, highlighted by the media. Another subject deals with risk assessment, as no one can be certain what will happen in case of an accident to the pipeline.A general concluding comment to the results of the media-investigation is that they are too parsimonious. However there are some assumptions to be made: In the resulting discussion it is argued, among other things, that from the political aspect both Poland and Sweden share a negative opinion towards the pipeline, while the opinion of German people appears positive to the project, according to the media viewpoints. From the environmentalaspect the over-all picture is that the opinions of the whole of Poland and the local levels of Germany and Sweden respectively (i.e. people living near the Nord Stream pipeline) are negative also – feel unsafe according to the project, due to the media viewpoints.A second assumption is that the media location does not play a major role in the way media coverage highlights the views of those for the pipeline or those against the pipeline.The overall impression is that the media coverage largely follows state affinities, in the sense that the relative openness of the argument that every state seems to represent, seems also to be reflected through media coverage in each state.

Denna uppsats granskar fem kommunala 1:1-satsningar, det vill säga projekt att ge en egen dator till varje elev. Syftet med uppsatsen är att jämföra beslutfattarnas visioner med elevernas upplevelser av det faktiska användandet. Utifrån detta är målet att identifiera hur stor vikt bilden av det medialiserade samhället hade vid beslutet av dessa satsningar och eventuellt fortsätter ha i det nuvarande användandet av tekniken. Frågeställningen fokuserar på hur stor roll bilden av det medialiserade samhället spelade i beslutsprocessen. Dessutom har ett par underfrågor formulerats för att tydliggöra arbetet. Uppsatsens teoretiska ramverk grundar sig främst i medialiseringsteorin och media literacy. Dessutom presenteras kommunikativa strategier, top-down och bottom-up samt Maslows behovstrappa för att ytterligare kunna problematisera de empiriska resultaten. Den metod som använts är kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer med både elever och beslutsfattare. Dessa har sedan transkriberats och analyserats utifrån de tidigare nämnda teorierna i tre analysteman; beslut, implementering och användning. Uppsatsen påvisar att det medialiserade samhället skapade ett upplevt måste för skolorna att följa med i teknikutvecklingen vilket underbyggde besluten för de flesta 1:1-satsningar. I och med ett beslut som med tydlighet anspelar på ett top-down-perspektiv skapas en ytlig instruktionsgrund till användarna. Tillgången till bara ett fåtal instruktioner skapade ett behov av att lärare och elever själva bildade sig en uppfattning om hur datorerna skulle användas på bästa sätt. Den nivå av mediekompetens som studien uppvisar indikerar även på att den i vissa fall är överskattad från beslutsfattarhåll. Detta har i sin tur lett till att det förändrade arbetssätt, som var beslutsfattarnas mål, främst syns genom ett utbyte av skrivdon från papper och penna till datorer hos eleverna.

All kommunikation, inklusive den politiska, förändras i och med de sociala mediernas framväxt. De erbjuder alternativa kommunikationsvägar till traditionella massmedier och torgmöten. I denna uppsats har de två svenska politikerna Veronica Palms (S) och Filippa Reinfeldts (M) relationsskapande via det visuella sociala mediet Instagram granskats. Utifrån teorier kring mediernas logik, medialisering, privat och offentligt, det växande förtroendet kring att bilder visar verkligheten samt visuell kommunikation har politikernas bildflöden analyserats utifrån kritisk diskursanalys (CDA) och semiotik.   Deras två bildflöden skiljer sig delvis åt då Palm tar större delen av bilderna som publiceras själv, ofta närbilder på saker i sin omgivning, medan Reinfeldt istället låter sig bli fotograferad i halvbild. Detta medför att relationen de skapar till sina följare blir olika. Palm skapar en intimitet och professionalitet, Reinfeldt en personlig och social relation. Allt en politiker publicerar på ett socialt medium bör betraktas som politisk kommunikation, även de inlägg som till synes består av offentliggjort privatliv.

The continual challenge– A case study of sports clubs marketing In recent decades the mass media have come to play an increasingly important role in society and culture. The purpose of this qualitative study is to research how four nonprofit sports clubs in Umeå handle social changes such as commercialization and mediatization. To answer the study’s purpose three questions were examined. The first one discusses how sports clubs handle the transformed market. The second one discusses nonprofit organizations' difficulties in marketing. The final question discusses how sports clubs worked with their marketing communications. The sports clubs which were studied were the following: CFA Cheerleading, Umeå AFC Huskies, Tegs SK football club and Tegs SK hockey club. To examine how these clubs handle social changes several theories, such as Jürgen Habermas public sphere theory and Pierre Bourdieus theory about social fields, have been applied to the material. The study was conducted through interviews with communicational representatives and active members within each of the four sports clubs. On the one hand the results of the study indicated that the sports clubs have a positive view of mediatization and technological advancements. On the other hand several of the sports clubs' representatives find that the commercialization forces them to adjust in order to compete in a competitive market.

This study has examined the content of the Swedish Church's posts on the social network media Facebook and Instagram. The posts were published during September to November 2017, which is about 90 posts. I have also analysed if the posts could be seen as marketing in this particular media form. Rational Choice Theory has served as an overall theory in which I assumed that people make rational decisions in the choosing of their religion. Therefore, I see the content on these sites as a supply of the Swedish church religiosity that people can base their decisions on. Through an inductive approach, themes have been searched for in the posts and analysed through text condensation. The result of the study is that there are six types of published content, grief management, church operation, divinity, entertainment, religious history and informative posts about the Swedish church election that took place in September 2017. These posts can be seen as marketing because the focus in marketing has shifted from emphasis on the product to the consumer. The purpose is now to provide consumers with information that they can base their decisions on. Therefore, when people use the information on these sites in order to make a rational choice of their religion, the post can be seen as marketing of the Swedish Church, but not in cases when people read the post in other purposes.