Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T12:54:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_JURACI GUIMARAES JUNIOR.pdf: 1228773 bytes, checksum: b734e287f93009610a0ea40190ad0ee2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-30 / The possibility and intensity of judicial review of participatory democracy in the popular initiative bill from the judgment by the Supreme Court of the Brasil of LC 135-2010, Law of Clean Record. After dealing the concept and evolution of direct and representative democracy to participatory democracy. Analyze the contours of democracy in the Brasil Federal Constitution of 1988 and the tension between democracy and the rule of law. Discuss to the various theoretical approaches to democratic deliberative aspects proceduralists and substantialists. The second step is to describe the political rights as fundamental rights, its concept, features and restrictions procedure. In a third step we discuss the legitimacy of judicial review in a democracy, addressing the various existing currents and contextualizing the legal reality and brazilian politics. Finally, it explains on the LC 135-2010, its participatory democratic formation and critically analyzes the reasons for the decision of the Brasil Supreme Court which ruled their (in) constitutionality. / A possibilidade e intensidade do controle judicial da democracia participativa no projeto de lei de iniciativa popular, a partir do julgamento pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal da Lei da Ficha Limpa. Inicialmente, aborda-se o conceito e evolução da democracia direta e representativa até a democracia participativa. Analisa-se os contornos da democracia na Constituição Federal de 1988 e a tensão entre a democracia e o Estado de Direito. Debata-se as diversas correntes teóricas democráticas até as vertentes deliberativas procedimentalistas e substancialistas. O segundo momento consiste em descrever os direitos políticos como direitos fundamentais, seu conceito, características e procedimento de restrição. Em um terceiro momento discute-se a legitimidade do controle judicial de constitucionalidade numa democracia, abordando as diversas correntes existentes e as contextualizando na realidade jurídica e política brasileira. Por fim, explana-se sobre a Lei da Ficha Limpa, sua formação democrática participativa e se analisa criticamente os fundamentos da decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal que julgou a sua (in)constitucionalidade.

This research examined the legal nature of the presumption of guilt created by section 235(2) of the South African Tax Admiration Act and considered whether or not its practical application violates the taxpayer’s fundamental right contained in section 35(3) of the Constitution, which gives every accused taxpayer the right to a fair trial, including the right to be presumed innocent. The research also provided clarity on the constitutionality of this presumption because it has been widely criticised for unjustifiably violating the taxpayer's constitutional right to a fair trial. The conclusion reached is that the presumption created by section 235(2) of the Tax Administration Act constitutes an evidentiary burden rather than a reverse onus. It does not create the possibility of conviction, unlike a reverse onus where conviction is possible, despite the existence of a reasonable doubt. Therefore, it does not violate the accused taxpayer’s the right to a fair trial and the right to be presumed innocent and hence it is constitutional. Accordingly, the chances that the accused taxpayer will succeed in challenging the constitutionality of section 235(2) of the Act are slim.

This thesis explores how society can and should compensate those who have been wrongfully convicted after they are exonerated and how we can prevent these mistakes from happening to others in the future. It begins by presenting research on the scope of the problem. Then it suggests possible reforms to the U.S. justice system that would minimize the rate of innocent convictions. Lastly, it takes both a philosophical and political look at what just compensation would entail as well as a variety of state compensation laws.

Authenticity is an interesting and, in some ways, even a problematic term. Yet there is a very special feeling when someone observes a cultural object, knowing it is the real thing. The purpose of this thesis is to examine revealed forgeries for aspects of authenticity and discuss whether these revealed forgeries have something unique they can offer as museum objects. To form a premiss for both the analysis and the discussion of different museum objects, the thesis uses theoretical perspectives from Denis Dutton, David Lowenthal and Siân Jones regarding authenticity and cultural objects. Using the theoretical perspectives as a tool for analysis and discussion regarding the different museum objects, varying patterns of authenticity can be seen. The discussion leads to the conclusion that there are qualities revealed forgeries can offer as museum objects. They can contribute as objects of entertainment, educational purposes or as escapism, for the museum visitor. This is a two years master’s thesis in Museum and Cultural Heritage Studies.

Une certaine tendance se dessine, au sein de moult mouvements sociaux, territoires ou collectifs en lutte, de même que dans plusieurs champs des sciences sociales et, dans une certaine mesure, dans la culture populaire, quant à la nécessité de repenser les rapports aux territoires et au vivant (et plus généralement le rapport à la terre). En opposition aux diktats productivistes et extractivistes du libéralisme colonial, nombreuses sont celles qui invoquent la nécessité d’un habiter renouvelé, arrimé aux territoires : d’un habiter en prise sur un entour et en phase avec celui-ci. Bien que fécondes à de nombreux égards, de telles formes d’habitabilité ne peuvent rester imperméables aux critiques anticoloniales ou décoloniales qui soulignent comment un strict rapport innocent ou romantique à un territoire colonisé implique une reproduction de la colonialité. Dans cette thèse, j’étudie cette problématique générale telle qu’elle se déploie dans la colonie de peuplement québécoise contemporaine. Dans chaque chapitre, on aura affaire à un exemple (ou à une composition d’exemples apparentés, liés par un certain thème) dont il s’agira de problématiser à la fois les dimensions actuelles (historicité, contexte socioculturel, forces politiques en présence, discours et pratiques) et virtuelles (tendances plus abstraites se rapportant à un certain niveau de généralisation). On abordera ainsi : 1) le bréviaire du métissage, de la rencontre, des contacts ou alliances, bréviaire « horizontal » et aplanissant fortement mobilisé par la société franco-descendante pour faire sens de ses rapports aux Premiers Peuples et pour inscrire sa trajectoire en sol américain; 2) diverses conceptions du lien politique qui, chacune à leur façon, sous-tendent un refus total et une compréhension de l’action et de la collectivité politiques qui ne soit pas basée sur des rapports communautaires ou identitaires; 3) la figure du colon québécois, telle qu’elle émerge et se cristallise pendant la vague néonationaliste radicale des années 1960-1970; 4) les possibles d’un habiter anticolonial, notamment via un déplacement de la question du fondement et de l’origine. Chaque chapitre pourrait donc être compris comme offrant un plan de coupe de la problématique générale, tout en lui ajoutant des dimensions concrètes et matérielles. Somme toute, aucun dénouement thétique imposant ne doit être attendu; cette thèse est plutôt animée par une exigence : poser un problème, en abordant à la fois les considérations actuelles et virtuelles, en tentant d’ajouter de la perspective et en ravivant les aspérités du réel lui donnant de la complexité et de la texture. Ainsi, cette thèse prend avant tout la forme d’un essai visant à élaborer et approfondir la problématique coloniale (d’abord depuis ses implications identitaires et territoriales), de manière à ce que des prises sur celle-ci se consolident; de manière à ce que, confrontés à ses conditions, répercussions et effets souvent paradoxaux, nous, colons, puissions et souhaitions initier une rupture radicale. / There is an emerging trend in social movements, territories and collectives in struggle, as well as in several fields of social sciences and to a certain extent in popular culture. It concerns the need to rethink relationships to the land and the living, and more generally relationships to the earth. In opposition to the productivist and extractivist diktats of colonial liberalism, many invoke the need for a renewed way of dwelling, anchored in the land: a dwelling in touch and in phase with its milieu. Although fruitful in many respects, such forms of dwelling cannot remain impervious to anti-colonial or decolonial critiques, which underline the way in which innocent or romantic relationships to colonized territories entail a reproduction of coloniality. This thesis studies this general problematic as it unfolds in the contemporary Quebec settlement colony. Each chapter deals with an example (or a composition of related examples), problematizing both its actual dimensions (historicity, socio-cultural context, political forces, discourses and practices) and its virtual dimensions (more abstract tendencies relating to a certain level of generalization). An account is developed that includes : 1) the breviary of miscegenation, contacts and alliances strongly mobilized by Franco-descendant society in a "horizontal" and flattening manner to make sense of its relationships with Indigenous peoples and to inscribe its trajectory on the American land; 2) various conceptions of the political action which, each in their own way, underlie a total refusal and a conception of the collective formation not based on communitarian nor identitarian relationships; 3) the figure of the « colon » as it emerges within the radical neo-nationalist wave of the 1960s and 1970s; 4) the possibilities of an anticolonial dwelling, in particular through a shift in the question of foundation and origin. Each chapter can be understood as offering a cross-section of the general problematic, while adding concrete and material dimensions to it. No imposing thetic outcome is aimed for. Instead, the thesis is driven by a requirement: to expose and investigate a problem by addressing both its actual and virtual dimensions, attempting to add perspective reviving the roughness of the real, adding complexity and texture to it. The thesis takes the form of an essay aiming to elaborate and deepen the colonial problem (starting from its identitarian and territorial implications), consolidating our grasp of it so that, faced with its often paradoxical conditions, repercussions and effects, we, « colons », can and should opt to initiate a clear and radical break with it.

This qualitative multiple-case study sought to provide an in-depth understanding of how children living in broken families-due to the wrongful conviction of parent(s)-developed psychosocial issues. The theoretical frameworks applied to this study were the social learning theory, the social control theory, the role-modeling theory, and the general theory of crime. A purposeful sample of 13 adults who were children at the time of their parents’ wrongful incarceration were drawn for phone and in-person interviews. The data were transcribed and analyzed to code, sort, and organize; to analyze connections in the information, and to compare and contrast cases. The multiple-case study data were analyzed using 1st and 2nd cycle coding. Among the 10 themes identified in this study were these 5: family structure and activities, behavioral issues associated with the wrongful conviction of their parents, wrongful conviction effects on education, mental health impacts of a parental wrongful conviction on left-behind children and bullying in school and at home. This implications for positive social change are that the findings raise awareness of the psychosocial issues experienced by children whose parent(s) were wrongfully imprisoned for government officials, community leaders, policymakers, and justice reform advocates who can use them to implement programs to provide psychosocial assistance to all children of incarcerated parents.

No description available.

The objective of this thesis is to assess the impact and influence of South Africa's Constitutional Court in the first two years of our democracy. To achieve this objective, some of the definitive and controversial cases already decided by the Court have been selected and analysed in an attempt to glean some jurisprudential perspectives of the Court. It focuses on the work of the Court over the past two years. It deals with the evolution of South Africa into a democracy, and analyzes the South African legal system prior to the beginning of the process of transformation. It briefly surveys the evolution of our constitutional system, dating back from the pre-1910 colonial period and provides a broad outline of the legal system in the post-April 1994 period of transformation. It analyzes the Court from the point of view of, inter alia, its composition, jurisdiction and powers. The Court is also contrasted with courts in other jurisdictions which exercise full judicial review. The Court's emerging jurisprudence is examined. A review is made, inter alia, of the Court's understanding of, and approach to, the questions of the values underpinning the post-apartheid society and its constitutional system, and constitutional interpretation. The right against self-incrimination and South African company law and the two relevant Constitutional Court cases are discussed. The collection of evidence by the State and the constitutionality of provisions relating to search and seizure and the taking of fingerprints are looked into. The Court's approach to statutory presumptions and criminal prosecutions; some aspects of our appeals procedures; an accused's right to be assisted by a lawyer at state expense; the question of a fair trial and access to information; capital punishment; corporal punishment; committal to prison for debt; and the certification of constitutions is analyzed. Two of the cases in which the provinces clashed with the national government on the distribution of posers between provinces and the national government are discussed. The conclusion is that the Court has, overall, hitherto acquitted itself well in the handling of particularly the controversial quasi-political questions that arose in the cases it has decided. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / L.L. D. (Law)

La Pologne est un ancien État communiste qui a signé la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme en 1991 et l'a ratifiée en 1993. Le droit de recours individuel a été reconnu en 1993. Le changement de régime a exigé de revoir le système juridique polonais, dont les principes du procès équitable, afin de pouvoir se conformer aux exigences de la Convention. La France a signé la Convention en 1950, l'a ratifiée en 1974. Le droit de recours individuel a été reconnu en 1981. C'est un des plus anciens signataires de la Convention et actuellement un acteur majeur de la société internationale dont l'attachement aux droits de l'homme constitue un élément caractéristique de sa politique extérieure. Cette étude comparative détermine si les exigences concernant les tribunaux et le procès, ainsi que les droits garantis en matière pénale, imposés par l'article 6 de la Convention, sont respectés dans les deux États. D'un côté, cela permet de voir les différences et les similitudes entre la France et la Pologne qui peuvent sembler différentes à cause de leur histoire et de leur tradition de respect des droits de l'homme, mais qui également se ressemblent dans les mécanismes de protection des droits de l'homme mis en place et rencontrent les problèmes similaires, comme par exemple la durée excessive de la procédure ou le non-Respect du principe de l'égalité des armes.D'un autre côté, cela permet de vérifier si les organes internes ont bien appliqué et, le cas échéant, réparé les violations de la Convention, notamment par les réformes de la loi interne. / Poland is a post-Communist state which signed the Convention in 1991, and ratified it in 1993. The right to the individual application was established in 1993. The change of the regime required to reform the Polish legal system, including the principles of fair trial, to comply with the requirements of the Convention. France signed the Convention in 1950, and ratified it in 1974. The right to the individual application was established in 1981. It is one of the oldest members of the Convention and at the moment one of the major actors of the international society, whose attachment to human rights is one of the characteristics of its foreign policy. This comparative study sets out to determine whether the requirements concerning the courts and the trials, and the rights guaranteed in criminal matters imposed by the article 6 of the Convention are respected in both states. On the one hand, this enables us to see the differences and the similitudes between France and Poland. These two states can seem to be different because of their respective histories and traditions when it comes to the respect of human rights. However, in the final analysis, they deal with similar problems, as, for example, the excessive length of proceedings, or non-Respect of the principle of equity of arms. On the other hand, this enables us to verify if the judgements of the European Court of Human Rights have been entirely implemented by the two states, and, where necessary, if the infringements of the Convention were repaired, including the reforms of the internal law.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-03-27T14:46:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Eduardo Duarte de Oliveira Junior.pdf: 957011 bytes, checksum: 3a2470b245c01a0d0f208a3a6b53011e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-27T14:46:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Eduardo Duarte de Oliveira Junior.pdf: 957011 bytes, checksum: 3a2470b245c01a0d0f208a3a6b53011e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-01-31 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar a relação existente entre mídia, processo penal e controle social. Isso para saber a razão que fundamenta a exploração da notícia sobre o crime e sobre o investigado, pelos meios de comunicação de massa, bem como os reflexos deste trabalho da imprensa no resultado do processo, na sociedade, na pessoa do investigado e na política criminal. O método escolhido para o desenvolvimento do estudo foi o fenomenológico-hermenêutico e o seu resultado foi verificação de que a mídia explora a notícia sobre o crime com o único objetivo de atrair consumidores para os produtos de seus anunciantes. Contudo, desta conduta resulta a violação de muitos direitos de quem faz parte do processo penal, uma vez que a mídia mitiga a presunção de inocência e os direitos e garantias individuais do acusado. Isso porque promove julgamentos antecipados, que resultam na estigmatização de determinados cidadãos e na seletividade operada pelo próprio Estado, através de uma legislação simbólica, desenvolvendo o que se denomina de processo penal do inimigo. Por fim, a única saída para minimizar os reflexos da atuação midiática no processo é a veiculação da notícia sempre com esteio na presunção de inocência, ampla divulgação das sentenças absolutórias e condenações para as hipóteses de ilícitos causados pelo abuso do direito de informar. / The objective of this study is to analyze the relationship between media, criminal and social control. That to know the reason underlying the exploitation of the crime and the investigation by means of mass communication as well as the reflections of this work of the press in the process output, in society, in the person of the investigation and criminal policy. The method chosen for the development of the study was the phenomenological-hermeneutic. And the result was the finding that the media operates on news of the crime with the sole purpose of attracting consumers to the products of their advertisers. However, this behavior results in the violation of many rights who is part of the criminal proceedings, since the media mitigates the presumption of innocence and the rights and individual guarantees of the accused. This is because it promotes early trials, which result in the stigmatization of certain citizens and selectivity operated by the state itself, through a symbolic legislation, developing what is called the prosecution of the enemy. Finally, the only way to minimize reflections of the media work in process is the placement of news always stay with the presumption of innocence, full disclosure of convictions and acquittals sentences for cases of illicit caused by abuse of the right to inform.