Este trabalho investiga as relações entre a regra da maioria e o princípio do dano de John Stuart Mill. Em suma, seu objetivo é descobrir de que maneira o princípio do dano funciona como um limite à regra da maioria. Diante disso, ao longo desta dissertação, examinam-se as dificuldades enfrentadas por Mill para conciliar utilitarismo e democracia, liberdade e razão. Este trabalho analisa, também, algumas ideias permanentemente presentes na reflexão histórica sobre o liberalismo: os conceitos de liberdade positiva e liberdade negativa; os diversos conceitos de paternalismo; e as muitas críticas dirigidas à regra da maioria / This investigation studies the link between the majority rule and the harm principle by John Stuart Mill. To sum up, the purpose is to find out how the harm principle operates as a limit on majority rule. As a result, throughout this study, we examine the difficulties faced by Mill to reconcile utilitarianism and democracy, liberty and reason. This dissertation analyzes, still, some ideas that were constantly present in historical reflection about liberalism: the concept of the positive liberty and the concept of negative liberty; the various concepts of paternalism; and the many criticisms of the majority rule.

Esta tese tem como objetivo estudar a paraconsistentização de lógicas, que consiste em encontrar, para uma dada lógica, sua contraparte paraconsistente. A estratégia geral utilizada para tal tarefa é: ao encontrar premissas inconsistentes, faça inferências a partir de seus subconjuntos consistentes. Para isso, foram desenvolvidos dois métodos de paraconsistentização. O primeiro consiste na utilização do arcabouço teórico da Teoria de Categorias, enquanto que o segundo faz uso da teoria da prova e da noção de estruturas valorativas. Após a apresentação dos métodos, algumas propriedades formais de ambas as propostas foram investigadas. Em particular, provou-se que a paraconsistentização preserva correção e completude, isto é, se a lógica inicial for correta e completa, sua contraparte paraconsistente também o será. Também foram estabelecidas as condições suficientes que uma lógica deve satisfazer para poder ser paraconsistentizada. A partir destes resultados, os dois métodos propostos foram comparados com outras abordagens desenvolvidas para raciocinar a partir de conjuntos inconsistentes. Por fim, a tese analisa o debate entre pluralismo e monismo lógico investigando, especificamente, as contribuições da paraconsistentização para tal discussão. / This thesis aims to study the paraconsistentization of logics, which consists in finding, for a given logic, its paraconsistent counterpart. The general strategy used for this task is the following: when finding inconsistent premises, one must draw inferences from its consistent subsets. For this, two methods of paraconsistentization were developed. The first consists in using the framework of Category Theory, while the second one makes use of proof theory and the notion of valuation structure. After their presentation, some formal properties of both proposals were investigated. In particular, it was proved that paraconsistentization preserves soundness and completeness, that is, if the initial logic is sound and complete, its paraconsistent counterpart will also be. The sufficient conditions that a logic must satisfy in order for it to be paraconsistentized were also established. From these results, the two proposed methods were compared with other approaches developed to reason from inconsistent sets. Finally, the thesis analyses the debate between pluralism and logical monism investigating, specifically, the contributions of paraconsistentization to this discussion.

Abstract not available

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / The official version of law in Australia is that the state has a monopoly over sovereignty: there is only one Australian law whose meaning is determined by the courts. However, the courts have implied that there is another law, the law of Indigenous peoples which exists as a social fact. It can be recognised by the state for particular purposes, such as the protection of the ‘native title’ of Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders to their traditional countries. Native title is characterised as the translation of a primarily spiritual connection to land into proprietary rights and interests, requiring proof of the connection that a particular Indigenous society has under traditional laws and customs continuously acknowledged since Britain claimed sovereignty. Given the special nature of native title, the preference is to recognise title by negotiated agreement. This thesis undertakes a study of some of the assumptions and inconsistencies on which the recognition of native title – and this ‘not quite’ legal pluralism – rests. It questions law’s relation to fact, time, space, identity, language and practice as these are deployed in calibrating Indigenous peoples’ claims, and so reaches across disciplines to History (questioning the knowable past), Philosophy (the notion of recognition), Legal Theory (the concept of law as rules and the separation between law and fact), Anthropology and Literary Studies (the possibility of translation), Aesthetics (the rationality of proof), and Geography (the alternative space of negotiation). In looking closely at the practical and discursive process of making a claim, an account of native title can be given that refuses the cogency of the monopoly of sovereignty, and envisages instead a multi-faceted phenomenon that is the ‘unofficial’ law of native title. Native title is a set of practices which stimulate new articulations of Indigenous law and settler law and put them in relation with one another: the process of recognition is also a creative process of transformation.

Public policies are, at once, the means for articulation of political philosophies and processes, the conduits for conversion of political and bureaucratic decisions into actions and the means by which the electorate can assess government performance. Public policy processes offer a means of achieving social and economic change and they are a primary justification for the existence of governmental systems. On these counts, identification of the elements of policy processes and the ways they interact with each other is essential to an understanding of the relationships between public policy decisions, systems of democratic government and their connections with wider society. This thesis goes behind the facade of public policy outcomes and analyses the processes involved in arriving at policy decisions. Linkages are traced between political theories, the processes of public policy decisions and final policy outcomes. This involves, first, an examination and critique of liberal-democratic theories. Second, there is detailed examination of pluralist democratic practice, which is the prevailing political paradigm of modern western liberal-democratic societies. The analysis finds substantial evidence of gross distortions in the process relative to normative theories. Plain causes are the institutionalisation of special interests to the exclusion of wider public interests and inadequate accountability of governments and bureaucracies for their actions. Policy processes in pluralist systems are examined and it is concluded that the social environment, institutional influences and factors which affect the behaviour of institutions are key elements explaining public policy decisions. The capacity for pluralism to significantly influence policy outcomes depends largely on the degree and nature of access to the public policy process at various points. In examining the role of government institutions in public policy processes, it is argued that a clear distinction between the elected legislature and the administrative bureaucracy is artificial and misleading. Further, there is evidence that public service bureaucrats can become captives of their particular client groups and, thus, less accessible to the full range of relevant interests. These problems are exacerbated by the two-party Westminster model of representative democracy which tends to concentrate power in cabinet government, resulting in a decline in the importance of parliament as a deliberative and scrutinising bodies. This dissertation develops the view that there are significant causal links between institutional philosophies and values and the dominant disciplines within institutions. It is also argued that growing professionalism in bureaucracies and a tendency for functional divisions of public policy to be in broad symmetry with the divisions of the professions, tends to intensify the influence of particular professional disciplines on related areas of public policy. The critique of liberal-democratic theories and the related discussion of factors affecting policy processes in a pluralist system are used to identify the essential elements of public policy processes. It is proposed that all policy processes contain the four elements of pluralism, access, accountability and planning which are interactively related. Differences in emphasis given to these elements in the policy process explains the nature of individual policy decisions. Thus, the normative policy process datum model provides both a static and dynamic framework for analysing policy decisions. In order to examine the theoretical arguments in an empirical context, the policy processes of the Australian Federal Government, in the area of industry assistance, are analysed. This policy arena contains all the 'raw material' of pluralist processes and is, therefore, a fertile area for analysis. Furthermore, operating within this policy arena is the Industries Assistance Commission [IAC], a bureaucratic institution which is quite unlike traditional administrative structures. The IAC has, prima-facie, all of the features of the policy process datum model; it operates in an open mode, it encourages a range of pluralistic inputs, it has a highly professional planning function and, because its policy advice is published, it encourages scrutiny and accountability of itself, other actors in the bureaucracy and the elected government. The IAC operates in a rational-comprehensive mode. The analysis concludes that the IAC was established in part to be a countervailing force to restore some balance in the industry policy arena. In this it has been partly successful - the distributive policy decisions of governments have come under much greater scrutiny than in the past and other areas of the bureaucracy have been forced to operate more frequently in a rational-comprehensive mode, rather than as advocates of sectional interests. The IAC has itself limited its range of objectives, however, and has tended to become a computational organisation, isolating its core economic [planning] technology from the interactive processes of the policy process model, i.e. pluralism, access and accountability. By protecting its essential philosophy in this way, the IAC runs the risk of becoming less influential in the overall policy process. Using the policy process model as a datum, and the empirical experience of the IAC and the policy arena in which it operates, several options for administrative reform are examined. A summary agenda for administrative change is proposed which revolves around ways of achieving balanced pluralistic inputs, a greater degree of access, better bureaucratic and government accountability and ways of exploiting but controlling technocratic planning expertise. Emphasis is placed on the need to achieve enriched interactive flows between each of these key elements. If these conditions can be met, it is proposed that a revised and improved administrative bureaucracy will emerge.

<p>The problem for women in the labour market has been and is still being widely treated from different disciplines, there are still many gaps linked to it. Although the equality between genders has simultaneously risen, gender inequality becomes especially evident in top management positions. This fact attracted our attention and motivated us to analyse the women’s situation in the management in Spanish companies.</p><p>The masculine man has developed different theories linked to organizations. But when the society and the organization change, that man discovers that his recipe book is not worth nothing anymore. For instance, values like hierarchical organization, aggressiveness, competitively, individualism, etc. In brief, all attributes that women called: “macho man”.</p><p>This paper investigates the barriers that women have to overcome in order to achieve the senior positions, as well as, the identification of the traditional leadership style to the masculine stereotype. As consequence, we have had in mind the progressive implantation of a new organizational culture, the values that belong to the feminine stereotype (group orientation, emotion, cooperation, etc). Therefore, the success leadership is no longer linked to the masculine stereotype.</p><p>The practical method involves the development of semi structure interviews to men and women in top managerial positions in order to analyse if both men and women follow their gender stereotypes, and therefore, they have different leadership styles according to gender.</p><p>Due to this fact, companies should adapt the idea of a pluricultural style in order to get organizational culture more flexible.</p>

<h1>Abstract</h1><p>In this study, the conceptions of a number of teachers in the Swedish primary and lower-secondary school about cultural pluralism, the values connected to this pluralism by the <em>Curriculum for the Compulsory School System, the Pre-School Class and the Leisure-time Centre, Lpo 94</em>, and the possibilities for pupils to gain knowledge about these values, were studied. The conceptions of the teachers were regarded and interpreted as ideology, since the study was made from a point of departure containing an assumption about how the content of the curriculum is of importance for the development of relations of power and dominance between different groups in society. The purpose of the study was to interpret the statements of a limited number of teachers about cultural pluralism, values and knowledge, regarding the ontological, axiological and epistemological assumptions and conceptions expressed therein. The empirical data of the study was gathered through qualitative interviews with eleven teachers working in six different primary and lower-secondary schools in the Mid-Sweden region. The conceptions expressed in the statements given by the respondents were categorized. These categories were then interpreted through a typology containing four different types of ideology, here called restorative (implying a return to a social order of the past), transmissive (implying a conveyance of existing values, relations and conditions), moderative (implying short-term adjustments of existing institutions and conditions) and transformative (implying long-term and radical change) ideology. This interpretation showed that only fragmentary parts of the restorative and transformative types of ideology were expressed through the different assumptions and conceptions, while distinct and substantially developed expressions of transmissive as well as moderative ideology could be interpreted. This was discussed with reference to three different themes: the connotations conveyed by the concept of culture, the ideological content of official and semi-official documents of the curriculum – mainly Lpo 94 and the report (<em>Skola för bildning</em>) of the Committee of Curriculum – and the historically strong progressivist tradition in the Swedish school system.</p><p>Keywords: conceptions, cultural pluralism, curriculum, ideology, knowledge, primary and lower-secondary school, teachers, values.</p>

<p>Arbetskraftsinvandring har, under stora delar av 1900-talet, varit ett sätt för de svenska företagen att finna arbetskraft till den expansiva industrisektorn. Intresseorganisationerna på den svenska arbetsmarknaden, Landsorganisationen (LO) och Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen (SAF), ansåg att arbetskraftsinvandring var en förutsättning för att trygga den svenska arbetsmarknaden. LO var trots detta kritiskt inställd till arbetskraftsinvandring, då organisationen ansåg att lönekonkurrens bland arbetskraften kunde uppstå. Dock lyckades organisationen komma överens med SAF om att arbetskraftsinvandrarna skulle omfattas av de svenska kollektivavtalen och på det sättet undveks en konflikt på arbetsmarknaden. Under 1970-talet upphörde arbetskraftsinvandringen till Sverige, vilket till stor del berodde på den ekonomiska nedgång som drabbade Sverige. Under de senaste åren har arbetsmarknadens parter återigen börjat diskutera arbetskraftsinvandring. Denna gång beror diskussionen om arbetskraftsinvandring på att den svenska befolkningen, inom några år, inte kommer att räcka till för att upprätthålla välfärden. </p><p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att analysera hur intresseorganisationerna LO och Svenskt Näringsliv har hanterat frågan om arbetskraftsinvandring. Vilka strategier har intresseorganisationerna använt sig av för att uppnå sina mål? Är intresseorganisationerna inriktade på samarbete eller konfrontation? Vilken roll spelar avvecklingen av de korporativa strukturerna? </p><p> uppsatsen görs en jämförande studie av intresseorganisationerna LO och Svenskt Näringsliv. Materialet som uppsatsens litteraturstudie bygger på, består bland annat av propositioner och SOU-rapporter. Detta material har kompletterats med material från de två intresseorganisationerna samt artiklar från Dagens Nyheter. </p><p>I uppsatsen utgår jag från korporativ teori och för att komplettera denna har jag valt att dels beskriva hur intresseorganisationer fungerar och varför människor väljer att gå samman kollektivt i intresseorganisationer, dels genom att jämföra korporativ teori med pluralistisk teori. </p><p>För LO är det viktigt att arbetskraftsinvandring från de nya EU-medlemsstaterna inte leder till lönedumpning eller arbetskraftsöverskott på den svenska arbetsmarknaden eller att den redan arbetslösa och sjukskrivna delen av befolkningen fastnar i sin tillvaro. Svenskt Näringsliv och dess medlemsföretag däremot anser att minst 100 000 människor under de senaste åren skulle kunna ha anställts om rätt kompetens hade funnits i landet och därför har arbetskraftsinvandringsfrågan blivit mycket viktig för organisationen. </p><p>För intresseorganisationerna LO och Svenskt Näringsliv har samarbetet under de senaste åren förändrats från ett generellt samarbete till att intresseorganisationerna istället väljer att samarbeta i de frågor de finner det möjligt att göra så. Detta har lett till att det har blivit viktigt för intresseorganisationerna att var för sig försöka påverka beslutsfattarna genom direktkontakter. I praktiken betyder detta att intresseorganisationerna har hållit sig fast vid delar av det korporativa samarbetet samtidig som både LO och Svenskt Näringsliv använder sig av pluralistisk påverkan för att utöva inflytande på beslutsfattarna.</p>

<p><strong>Syfte</strong> - Syftet med denna uppsats är att redogöra för förslaget om en skrotningspremie på lastbilar som lagts fram av Sveriges Åkeriföretag till regeringen samt redogöra för de påverkansmöjligheter olika aktörer har i denna beslutsprocess. Dessutom ämnar författaren spekulera i utsikterna för ett faktiskt <em>genomförande</em> av detta förslag.</p><p><strong>Metod</strong> - Denna undersökning bygger på intervjuer med representanter för fyra intresseorganisationer, två politiker och två statstjänstemän.</p><p><strong>Teoretiskt perspektiv</strong> - De teorier som används i uppsatsen behandlar politiska beslut och påverkansmetoder genom pluralism (innebär att staten sätter inte upp några tillträdeshinder för intressegrupperna) och korporativism.</p><p><strong>Analys</strong> - Empirin finner gott stöd i teorin om den politiska och institutionella beslutsprocessen. Vidare får empirin störst stöd i teorin om pluralism. Dock är det inte enhälligt fastställt om en beslutsprocess är öppen för alla eller om det är resurserna som avgör tillträde. Den skandinaviska korporativismen och producentkorporativismen får ett relativt svagt stöd i denna uppsats.</p><p><strong>Slutsats</strong> - Pluralismens två sidor får störst stöd i uppsatsen. Detta, kombinerat med den faktiska sakkunskap som aktörerna besitter, gör att samtliga intervjupersoner anser att de har något att säga till om i den politiska beslutsprocessen. Baserat på informationen från intervjupersonerna går förslaget ingen ljus framtid till mötes med det finansiella läge som råder och med den sittande regeringens inställning i åtanke.</p>

<p>This study describes and analyses understanding ‘illness’ among clients and</p><p>leaders of the spiritual tradition Candomblé in Rio de Janeiro. The study</p><p>focuses on the individuals’ narratives of illness and of healing rituals within</p><p>the cult. Particular attention is given to the consultation ritual called jogo de</p><p>búzios, which is one of the main practices of finding the reason for the illness</p><p>as well as its cure. The emphasis in this study is on the necessity to look at</p><p>medical pluralism, the socio-individual context of illness and narrativity as an</p><p>intersubjective practice. The conclusion is reached that illness within</p><p>Candomblé ideology can be understood as disequilibrium in a person’s</p><p>lifeworld.</p><p>The individual is approached from within the plurimedical context of</p><p>both biomedical and Candomblé healing tradition in Rio. Here it is argued that</p><p>the person creates meaning of the illness in relation to different aspects of his</p><p>lifeworld. The individual’s lifeworld includes the urban context of Rio de</p><p>Janeiro; therefore a brief discussion is developed about how this context</p><p>influences the individual meaning production of the illness. The Candomblé</p><p>house is described with its social structure and other elements that are</p><p>important for understanding how the cult might work for the clients as an</p><p>alternative and/or complementary medical treatment.</p><p>The study progressively introduces and analyses the lifestories of the</p><p>individuals that approach the Candomblé cult in order to seek treatment. It</p><p>also is concerned with stories of the Candomblé leaders and their view on the</p><p>phenomenology of the Body, the Self and the social milieu of the person.</p><p>Finally, the study emphasises the importance of studies that focus on the</p><p>individual’s interpretation of the relations between the Self and the Body, and</p><p>the individual’s understanding of medical knowledge and practice.</p>