Submitted by Márcio Jacinto de Souza e Silva (marciojacinto@hotmail.com) on 2012-07-26T11:42:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 A nova administração pública e a gestão do Instituto de Crimin.pdf: 1921485 bytes, checksum: aa41fd588edb6d751349c01765054bd8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2012-08-22T19:02:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 A nova administração pública e a gestão do Instituto de Crimin.pdf: 1921485 bytes, checksum: aa41fd588edb6d751349c01765054bd8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-08-24T18:24:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 A nova administração pública e a gestão do Instituto de Crimin.pdf: 1921485 bytes, checksum: aa41fd588edb6d751349c01765054bd8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-08-24T18:25:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 A nova administração pública e a gestão do Instituto de Crimin.pdf: 1921485 bytes, checksum: aa41fd588edb6d751349c01765054bd8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-28 / O objetivo deste estudo foi analisar em que medida o Instituto de Criminalística, órgão da administração pública direta de Minas Gerais, alinhou a sua gestão administrativa e de pessoal às diretrizes do Choque de Gestão. Decorridos oito anos desde o início da implantação dessa política pública, a questão cabe averiguação a fim de se saber o quanto dos novos ideais foram disseminados e assimilados em uma das instituições a qual essa política se comprometera a modernizar. Ao abordar a medida da relação existente entre o Choque de Gestão e o Instituto de Criminalística, este estudo visou compreender quantos velhos paradigmas foram quebrados e quantos novos conceitos foram assimilados para fazer a administração pública voltar-se para quem de fato foi criada e a quem deve servir: o povo. Para subsidiar as pesquisas, este estudo abrangeu uma análise dos referenciais teóricos que faceiam as questões relevantes à Nova Administração Pública e impactaram diretamente a concepção do Choque de Gestão, mas levando em conta os referenciais próprios dessa política. A pesquisa de campo consistiu de uma abordagem do fenômeno em seu palco de acontecimento, feita por meio de observação-participante, de entrevistas e questionários junto aos principais atores do cenário pesquisado: servidores e gestores de linha e clientes. Os resultados mostraram que, inobstante, o Choque de Gestão apresentar-se como um plano estruturado e bem intencionado, a sua proposta de transformação ainda não causou ressonância naquela ponta do serviço público, posto que diversos conceitos propalados por essa política confrontam-se com antigos valores, derivados de práticas anteriores. Sendo assim, acredita-se que a efetivação das diretrizes do Choque de Gestão está condicionada à adesão dos gestores e servidores de linha a essas propostas e, para tanto, as instâncias superiores de governo deverão agir para garantir essa adesão. / The objective of the present study was to check the extent to which the Instituto de Criminalística, an agency directly administered by the State of Minas Gerais, has submitted its management of operation and personnel to the Management Shock directives. After eight years of that policy implementation, the question ought to be checked so as to let one knows to which extent these new ideals have been disseminated in and assimilated by one of the institutions that such a policy had committed to modernize. By approaching the measure of the relation between Management Shock Program and the Instituto de Criminalística, the present study aims at understanding how many of the old paradigms have been broken, and how many new concepts have been assimilated to make the public administration pay attention to whom it was in fact created and whom it should serve: the people. To contribute to the research, the present study has encompassed an analysis of the theoretic references that involve the questions relevant to New Public Administration and directly impacted Management Shock, also taking references proper to this policy into account. The field research has consisted of an approach to the phenomenon in its stage of happening, made through a participant-observation, interviews and questionnaires submitted to the principal actors of the researched scenario: officials and line managers and clients. The results have showed that notwithstanding the fact that Management Shock presented itself as a structured and well-meaning plan, its proposal for transformation has not yet caused a resonance on that end of the civil service, since many concepts touted by this policy are confronted with old values, derived from past practices. Therefore, it is believed that the settlement of the Management Shock guidelines is determined by conditioning the commitment of managers and ordinary servants to these proposals, and to that end, higher levels of government should act in the interest of ensuring this commitment.

Submitted by Programa de Pós-Graduação em Mídia e Cotidiano (ppgmc@vm.uff.br) on 2017-05-02T19:30:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ONDE ESTÃO OS MORTOS - Silenciamentos, discursos e os sentidos da pacificação de favelas do Complexo do Alemão.pdf: 20941642 bytes, checksum: 45ce614ce8ed9ba898ca5e45bd7a091d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Josimara Dias Brumatti (bcgdigital@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-06-13T17:52:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ONDE ESTÃO OS MORTOS - Silenciamentos, discursos e os sentidos da pacificação de favelas do Complexo do Alemão.pdf: 20941642 bytes, checksum: 45ce614ce8ed9ba898ca5e45bd7a091d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-13T17:52:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ONDE ESTÃO OS MORTOS - Silenciamentos, discursos e os sentidos da pacificação de favelas do Complexo do Alemão.pdf: 20941642 bytes, checksum: 45ce614ce8ed9ba898ca5e45bd7a091d (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação tem como foco as questões sobre a tríade: segurança pública, mídia e violência, relacionada à primeira fase do processo de pacificação de favelas do Complexo do Alemão, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, realizada em novembro de 2010. A ação policial-militar do Estado teve apoio do governo federal com uso das Forças de Pacificação do Exército e se tornou símbolo do programa de segurança pública denominado Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP). Através da mídia, a ação agenda a construção discursiva de uma metáfora de paz promotora de novos sentidos para a cidade anfitriã de importantes megaeventos esportivos internacionais como a Copa do Mundo (2014) e Jogos Olímpicos (2016). A pesquisa busca as linhas de conexão e encaixe entre o que é dito, silenciado e o que é compreendido como paz na prática dos operadores do Estado. Por meio de observação participante no conjunto de favelas do Complexo do Alemão e a análise do discurso da cobertura jornalística do periódico O Globo, essa dissertação promove uma reflexão sobre a representação das favelas e a segurança pública na cidade do Rio de Janeiro / This dissertation focuses on issues about the triad public safety, media and violence in relation to the first phase of the pacification process of the Complexo do Alemão favelas, in Rio de Janeiro, started in November 2010. The operation carried by Military Police of Rio de Janeiro State had the support of the Federal Government and the Army’s Pacification Forces. It became a symbol of the public safety program named Pacifying Police Unities (UPP) and marks, through media, the discursive construction of a metaphor of peace that promotes new meanings to the host city of international sports mega events such as the World Cup (2014) and the Olympic Games (2016). This research aims on the connections between what is said, silenced and what is understood as peace in practice by the operators of State. Using participant observation at the Complexo do Alemão favelas and discourse analysis of the journalistic coverage by O Globo newspaper, this dissertation foments a reflection about the representation of favelas and public safety in Rio de Janeiro

Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur les « nouveaux uniformes de la sécurité publique », formule générique utilisée par le ministère de l'Intérieur belge pour qualifier des figures de proximité qui assurent au niveau local et micro-local de petites missions de surveillance et de convivialité dans les lieux publics ou accessibles au public. Notre recherche a, de manière générale, deux objectifs. Le premier est d’offrir un regard le plus complet possible sur ces nouveaux uniformes dans la mesure où ceux-ci sont porteurs de nombreux enjeux en matière de sécurité publique. Notre deuxième objectif, lié au premier, est de tenter de comprendre et d’expliquer l’émergence et la multiplication de ces nouveaux uniformes, en inscrivant celles-ci dans un contexte qui dépasse celui des politiques locales de prévention de la délinquance pour s’inscrire dans un nouveau référentiel d’action publique qui émerge au début des années 90 :celui de l’Etat social actif.<p>L’apparition des nouveaux uniformes de la sécurité publique trouve en effet son origine, au début des années 90, dans l’articulation établie entre la préoccupation pour la sécurité du citoyen et la politique de l’emploi. La première se concrétise principalement grâce à la création des contrats de sécurité en 1992. Conclus entre le pouvoir fédéral (principalement le ministère de l'Intérieur), les Régions bruxelloise et wallonne et un nombre de plus en plus important de villes et communes, ces contrats sont conçus au départ autour de deux volets, « préventif » et policier, et présentent trois caractéristiques :le partenariat, l’insertion locale et la prévention intégrée. Le lien entre politique de sécurité et politique de l’emploi se fait tout particulièrement au sein du Plan global pour l’emploi, la compétitivité et la sécurité sociale (1993) qui prône l’amélioration de l’« employabilité » des chômeurs et le développement d’« emplois de proximité » liés à l’amélioration de la qualité de la vie. Ces nouveaux emplois vont rapidement être reliés au thème de la sécurité du citoyen, notamment grâce à une extension des contrats sécurité. La volonté de faire de la sécurité un « gisement » d’emplois ne se dément pas dans les années qui suivent, lesquelles voient se multiplier les statuts d’insertion professionnelle, en particulier en ce qui concerne les intervenants civils « en uniforme ». Ces acteurs se situent donc à la croisée de deux domaines au départ distincts – ceux de l’emploi et de la sécurité publique – dont la rencontre nous semble déjà soulever un certains nombres d’enjeux.<p>Mais l’émergence des nouveaux uniformes s’inscrit également dans une évolution de la fonction de police en Belgique, surtout au niveau local. Depuis vingt ans, on constate en effet un élargissement des missions de police qui se manifeste à la fois par la multiplication de tâches dues à la diversification des demandes et des attentes à l’égard de l’institution policière et dans le souhait exprimé, depuis quelques années, de développer au sein des polices locales des programmes de police de proximité. Cet élargissement va avoir pour conséquence, entre autres, un transfert vers d’autres intervenants de tâches qui ne sont plus jugées indispensables au « vrai » travail policier. Parmi ces intervenants, on trouve les nouveaux uniformes. C’est donc à la fois de cette rencontre entre emploi et sécurité publique, ainsi que des évolutions respectives de la fonction de police et de la fonction policière, que nous allons traiter ici par l’entremise des nouveaux uniformes.<p>Notre hypothèse générale est que les nouveaux uniformes de la sécurité publique constituent un phénomène emblématique d’une transformation de l’action de l’Etat dans les deux champs qui les concernent directement, à savoir ceux de la sécurité publique et de l’emploi, transformation dont l’Etat social actif représente l’épigone. <p> / Doctorat en criminologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This diploma thesis is about forensic science, criminal acts and organization of protective security units investigating such activities in the former Czechoslovakia between the years of 1948 and 1969. It also indicates how the criminal activity was developed in the Czechoslovakia and how the former police departments took part in the investigation. The course of the investigation, the crime investigation methods, and the theoretical bases of that time, on which the forensic science was based, are thoroughly described on specific serious crimes. The thesis mainly draws from the primary resources such as archive research, notably from the Security Service Archive's materials, and the periodical press. Keywords Forensic science in the Czechoslovakia, "Department of Public Security" (Veřejná bezpečnost), murder, criminal activity, criminal offence in the Czechoslovakia, Security Services Archive

The three countries of Central America El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, which form the so-called Northern Triangle, are among the most violent countries in the world. One of the actors of local violence are gangs maras. This thesis "Armed Violence - Gangs Maras - Challenge and Threat to the National State in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras." deals with the problem of transnational gangs Mara Salvatrucha (MS- 13) and Barrio 18 (M-18) and with the interaction between maras and society. The aim of this thesis is to understand the complexity of the maras phenomen and to provide its detailed analysis. Maras were originally founded in Los Angeles by Mexican (M-18) and Salvadorian (MS-13) immigrants. As a result of tighter U.S. immigration policy, some members were deported to their country of origin - to the northern triangle countries. The strong cultural identity of maras appealed to thousands of young people and helped in the rapid expansion of the gangs. Maras are currently regarded as one of the greatest threats to the Central American region. Since 2003 the governments have led a repressive campaign to combat maras, which is supported by media and which sought to involve military in police actions. However, the politics of firm hand haven't had desired effect. Labeling maras as the main...

[pt] A presente dissertação analisa movimentos de mães e familiares de vítimas de violência letal de Estado no Rio de Janeiro em sua interação com o Estado autor da violação. A partir de uma abordagem teórica que mobiliza pesquisadoras de antropologia urbana, segurança pública e sociologia que estudam especificamente violência de gênero e movimentos de mães vítimas de violência de Estado, como Adriana Vianna e Juliana Farias, e articulando-as com as teorias de Judith Butler e Donna Haraway sobre processos de corporificação, o trabalho se apoia nos depoimentos de mães e familiares, colhidos de entrevistas e grupos focais. A dissertação propõe, então, a luta desses movimentos por Memória, Verdade, Justiça e Reparação como uma esfera de produção de redes de solidariedade que, coletivamente, ao se exporem publicamente, reivindicam a esfera de aparecimento e a condição de enlutável para os seus filhos e parentes executados, produzindo a afirmação de que suas vidas são dignas de reconhecimento e proteção. A pesquisa defende a ambivalência da relação das mães e familiares com o Estado, que pode ser, a um só tempo, ambiente de violência e suporte, e, ao mesmo tempo, busca o entendimento de que esses movimentos, em suas demandas específicas e generificadas ao Estado, ainda que mobilizem normas e representações que são estruturalmente seletivas, reconfiguram esse espaço de representação. O trabalho conclui, então, que esses movimentos realizam disputas e deslocamentos importantes na arena do Estado, que não é uma arena homogênea e, sim, uma arena formada performativamente e passível a reformulações críticas. / [en] This dissertation analyzes the movements of mothers and family members of victims of lethal State violence in Rio de Janeiro in their interaction with the State responsible for the violation. Based on a theoretical approach that mobilizes urban anthropology, public safety and sociology researchers who specifically study gender violence and movements of mothers victims of State violence, such as Adriana Vianna and Juliana Farias, articulating them with the theories of Judith Butler and Donna Haraway about processes of embodiment, the work is based on the testimonies of mothers and family members gathered from interviews and focus groups. The dissertation proposes the struggle of these movements for Memory, Truth, Justice and Reparation as a sphere of production of solidarity networks that, collectively, by publicly exposing themselves, claim the sphere of appearance and the grievability for their executed relatives, producing the claim that their lives are worthy of recognition and protection. At the same time, the research defends the ambivalence of the relationship between mothers and family members and the State, which can be, at the same time, an environment of violence and support, and understand that these movements, in their specific and gendered demands to the The State, even though they mobilize norms and representations that are structurally selective, reconfigure this space of representation. The work concludes, then, that these movements carry out important disputes and displacements in the State arena, which is not a homogeneous arena, but an arena that is also performatively formed and susceptible to critical reformulations.

Объектом исследования является общественная безопасность региона в условиях общества риска. Предмет исследования – управление социально-демографической безопасностью региона в условиях общества риска. Цель работы заключается в изучении социально-демографической безопасности региона в контексте общественной безопасности в условиях общества риска, оценке состояния социально-демографический безопасности и разработке рекомендаций, направленных на совершенствование системы управления социально-демографической безопасностью в Свердловской области. В работе раскрыта сущность риск-ориентированного подхода в управлении общественной безопасностью через призму теории общества риска, проведен анализ нормативно-правового регулирования социально-демографической и общественной безопасности; с помощью метода анализа статистических данных и экспертного интервью был составлен перечень угроз социально-демографической безопасности региона; проведена оценка социально-демографического положения Свердловской области; проанализирована система управления региональной общественной безопасностью; идентифицированы основные угрозы социально-демографический безопасности региона; составлен перечень критериев социально-демографической безопасности в системе общественной безопасности; предложен проект по созданию Межведомственного совета по обеспечению социально-демографической безопасности Свердловской области. / The object of the research is the public safety of the region under the conditions of a risk society. The subject of the research is the management of the socio-demographic security of the region in a risk society. The purpose of the work is to study the socio-demographic security of the region in the context of public security in a society at risk, assess the state of socio-demographic security and develop recommendations aimed at improving the management system of socio-demographic security in the Sverdlovsk region. The paper reveals the essence of the risk-oriented approach in public security management through the prism of the theory of risk society, analyzes the legal regulation of socio-demographic and public security; using the method of analysis of statistical data and expert interviews, a list of threats to the socio-demographic security of the region was compiled; an assessment of the socio-demographic situation of the Sverdlovsk region was carried out; analyzed the management system of regional public security; identified the main threats to the socio-demographic security of the region; compiled a list of criteria for social and demographic security in the public security system; a project was proposed for the creation of an Interdepartmental Council for ensuring the social and demographic security of the Sverdlovsk region.

[pt] A desarticulação da segurança pública no artigo 144 da Constituição Federal e seus reflexos nas polícias civis e militares: uma análise do estado de Minas Gerais investiga como o sistema constitucional adotado pelo Brasil paralisa e engessa os órgãos de segurança, principalmente as polícias civis e militares, trazendo efeitos nefastos para a sociedade. Pretende-se responder ao seguinte questionamento: em que medida o organograma constitucional influencia os órgãos de segurança, com ênfase nas polícias militares e civis, na prestação de suas atividades fins? Acredita-se, como hipótese, que ao adotar um sistema de polícia dicotômico para os estados - somente utilizado em três países do mundo -, a CF/88 engessou o trabalho policial, fazendo com que haja perdas de informações, retrabalhos, atritos institucionais, brigas por competências, entre outros problemas. No atual modelo, cada polícia faz uma parte do serviço. Ocorre que, a soma destes trabalhos acaba não perfazendo o todo. Não suficiente, o constituinte não articulou banco de dados criminais nem deu à União uma força de manobra para os casos de greves e/ou falência dos órgãos estaduais. / [en] The disarticulation of public security in article 144 of the Federal Constitution and its effects on the civil and military police: an analysis of the state of Minas Gerais investigates how the constitutional system adopted by Brazil paralyzes and stifles the security organs, mainly as civil police and military, bringing disastrous effects to society. It is intended to answer the following question: to what extent does the constitutional organization chart influence the security agencies, with an emphasis on the military and civil police, in the provision of their final activities? It is believed, as a hypothesis, that by adopting a dichotomous police system for the states - only used in three countries in the world -, the CF / 88 froze police work, causing loss of information, rework, institutional friction , fights over competences, among other problems. In the current model, each police is part of the service. It turns out that the sum of these works ends up not making up the whole. Not enough, the constituent did not articulate criminal database nor gave the Union a maneuvering force in cases of strikes and / or bankruptcy of state agencies.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CD 1 - SSO - Elaine Christina Santa.pdf: 360653 bytes, checksum: e8294b9deb33575061816f1118cbf33d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-09-28 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The purpose of this research analyses The Victims and Threatened Witnesses Program of Protection - Provita - appears, in 1996, from an initiative of the civil society in partnership with the State. As a result of this process, in July 13 1999, is promulgated the Federal Law nº 9.807, that establishes standards for the organization and maintenance of this Program. The focus of this Program is the reduction of the impunity, creating security conditions to the threatened witnesses. From a revision of the historical construction process of the national security system, it is considered as a basic guarantee instrument to the right to the life and to the security, in a context where the violence and impunity are daily expressed realities. During the research process, we aimed to better understand the inter-relations, connections and factors responsible for the existence of this Program in our Brazilian society and the Social Service role. So, the objective of this research is centered on studying the social worker job in this Program, approaching questions on its attributions, objectives and challenges. It aims to reflect on professional practices, in the prism of human rights defense, in accordance with what was praised in the Code of Professional Ethics. This research concludes the require and importance of enlargement of the responsibility of the State about execution of public security activities, when the limitations were given to the development of the service created, between other factors, by the absence of articulation with the set of public politics, essential policies for the service to the necessities of the persons in regime of protection; resource insufficiency for the formation and security of the professionals group; slowness of the judicial processing. The data, between 2000 and 2005, of 75 people protected, of which 21 testified in processes that reached the final verdict, and 20 turned in condemnatio n, illustrate both the importance and the difficulties of the Program. We also perceived that the social worker practice still is permeated by the challenge of acting and implementing the commitment with its practice citizens. This professional has the dut y of working in search for the citizenship promotion, the emancipation and to make possible the conditions of the protected person of struggle for his rights, during the protection process and over all, later / Este estudo apresenta a análise do Programa de Proteção a Vítimas e Testemunhas Ameaçadas - Provita -, que surge, em 1996, a partir de uma iniciativa da sociedade civil em parceria com o Estado. Em decorrência desse processo, em 13 de julho de 1999, é promulgada a Lei Federal nº 9.807, que estabelece normas para a organização e manutenção deste Programa. O objetivo principal do Programa é a redução da impunidade, criando condições de segurança para pessoas capazes de prestar testemunho, apesar de ameaçadas. A partir de uma revisão do processo de construção histórica do sistema de segurança nacional, é estudado como um instrumento fundamental de garantia ao direito à vida e à segurança, num contexto de violência extrema e cotidiana. O processo de pesquisa produziu uma melhor compreensão das inter-relações, conexões e fatores responsáveis pela sua existência na sociedade brasileira. A análise baseou-se na experiência profissional da autora e nos depoimentos de exprofissionais de Serviço Social pertencentes à equipe de trabalho do Provita. Teve como objetivo central estudar o papel do Serviço Social no Programa, abordando questões relacionadas às atribuições, objetivos e desafios do trabalho do assistente social. A prática profissional foi refletida pelo prisma da defesa dos direitos humanos, de acordo com o preconizado no Código de Ética profissional. Concluiu-se pela necessidade e importância da ampliação da responsabilidade do Estado quanto à execução das atividades de segurança pública, dadas as limitações ao desenvolvimento do atendimento criadas, entre outros fatores, pela ausência de articulação com o conjunto de políticas públicas, essenc iais para o atendimento às necessidades das pessoas em regime de proteção; insuficiência de recursos para a formação e segurança do corpo de profissionais; morosidade do processamento judiciário. Os dados de permanência, entre 2000 e 2005, de 75 protegidos, dos quais 21 testemunharam em processos que chegaram ao veredicto final, e 20 resultaram em condenação, ilustram tanto a importância como as dificuldades do Programa. A prática do assistente social foi sempre permeada pelo desafio do compromisso com os sujeitos de sua prática, em busca da promoção da cidadania e da emancipação, para possibilitar ao protegido condições de luta por seus direitos, durante o processo de proteção e, sobretudo, depois

Le renouveau du constitutionnalisme amorcé dans les années 1990 en Afrique subsaharienne francophone et la menace sécuritaire grandissante à travers le monde réorientent la problématique des rapports qu’entretient la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire. La reconnaissance constitutionnelle de la liberté d’opinion exige que l’exercice de cette liberté se fasse dans le respect de l’ordre public matériel, avec au coeur de cet ordre juridicisé, la sécurité des personnes, des biens et du territoire national par extension. Cette reconnaissance impose de s’interroger sur la conciliation de la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire en Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Bénin- Côte d’Ivoire-Sénégal) à la lumière de l’expérience des grandes démocraties contemporaines (Allemagne-France). Dans la présente recherche, l’exigence de conciliation s’appuie sur des fondements constitutionnels et son respect doit être assuré par un ensemble de garanties juridiques. Cependant, la conciliation trouve ses limites dans les contingences politiques, économiques et sociales propres aux États de l’Afrique subsaharienne francophone. En effet, dans des pays où l’État de droit est en gestation,la conciliation de deux normes de valeur constitutionnelle est incertaine, surtout lorsque l’une d’entre elle, la liberté d’opinion, peut être mise en oeuvre contre le pouvoir politique tandis que l’autre, l’ordre public sécuritaire, peut lui servir de prétexte pour limiter l’exercice de cette liberté. La réflexion invite in fine à repenser la conciliation de la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire comme un nouveau principe constitutionnel en Afrique subsaharienne francophone. / The renewal of constitutionalism, initiated in the 1990’s in francophone sub-Saharan Africa,and the worldwide growing security threat reorient the issue of the relationships between freedom of opinion and public security order. The constitutional recognition of freedom of opinion requires that the exercise of this freedom be done according to substantive public policy, with, at the heart of this legalised policy, the safety of people, property and, by extension, national territory. This recognition demands that we question the conciliation of freedom of opinion with public security order in francophone sub-Saharan Africa (Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Senegal) in the light of the experience of great contemporary democracies (Germany, France). In this research, constitutional grounds support the conciliation requirement and its respect must be ensured by legal guarantees. However, conciliation finds its limits in the political, economic and social contingencies specific to the francophone sub-Saharan States of Africa. Indeed, in these countries where the rule of law is building up, the conciliation of two constitutional standards is uncertain, especially when one of them, freedom of opinion, can threaten political power whereas the other one, public security order, can become an excuse to limit the exercise of this freedom. The essay invites in fine to reconsider the conciliation of freedom of opinion with public security order as a new constitutional principle in francophone sub-Saharan Africa.