Submitted by Rosina Valeria Lanzellotti Mattiussi Teixeira (rosina.teixeira@unisantos.br) on 2017-10-27T18:27:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Sidney da Cunha Vida Silva.pdf: 869381 bytes, checksum: 096a4b49b17b2a4568b0ddc0de3d9732 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-27T18:27:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sidney da Cunha Vida Silva.pdf: 869381 bytes, checksum: 096a4b49b17b2a4568b0ddc0de3d9732 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-13 / The environmental issue tends to be somewhat prone to degradation, since the man uses its natural resources, in the midst of your financial/economic growth. In this way, is something worrying about your exploration, since, the constitutional text punctuation in your device art. 225 "everyone is entitled to an ecologically balanced environment, common use of people and essential to healthy quality of life, and to the Government and the collective duty to defend it and preserve it for present and future generations". However, in addition to the society, the Government also has the power to defend it and preserves it, in this way, the Legislature has emerged the need for creation of Committee to discuss and approve measures related to the protection of the environment, signaling a willingness not only to how to debate, discuss and create opinion on civil society, as well as the primordial function of proposing vote and boost laws justifying your nomenclature, namely to reconcile protection of the environment with the promotion of sustainable development in Brazil, in order to influence legislation and be a crucial Forum in formulating national policies that relate to the environment. / A questão ambiental tende a ser algo propenso a degradação, uma vez que o homem utiliza-se de seus recursos naturais, em meio a seu crescimento econômico/financeiro. Desta forma, é algo preocupante quanto a sua exploração, haja vista que, o texto constitucional pontua em seu dispositivo art. 225 ¿Todos têm direito ao meio ambiente ecologicamente equilibrado, bem de uso comum do povo e essencial à sadia qualidade de vida, impondo-se ao poder público e à coletividade o dever de defende-lo e preservá-lo para as presentes e futuras gerações¿. Contudo, além da sociedade, o poder público também tem o condão em defende-lo e preserva-lo, deste modo, o Poder Legislativo despontou a necessidade de criação de comissão própria para discutir e aprovar medidas relacionadas à proteção do ambiente, sinalizando assim a disposição não apenas de debater, discutir e criar movimentos de opinião na sociedade civil, como também a função primordial de propor, votar e impulsionar leis que justifiquem a sua nomenclatura, ou seja, conciliar a proteção ao meio ambiente com a promoção do desenvolvimento sustentável no Brasil, de forma a influenciar, legislar e ser um fórum decisivo na formulação de políticas nacionais que se relacionem com o meio ambiente brasileiro.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:20:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 16 / Nenhuma / A presente pesquisa consiste em um estudo das relações entre a mídia e o Judiciário. Toma como objetivo a utilização das Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito (CPIs) como instrumento da mídia política, ocorrendo, dessa forma, o solapamento da legitimidade do Estado decorrente da luta por hegemonia no campo político, em especial no campo de atuação da Jurisdição Constitucional. Desse modo, a dinâmica da ação político-midiática se destina a produzir um efeito de desestabilização das instituições, usurpando o papel desempenhado pelo Judiciário ao promover julgamentos sumários, sem as proteções e os instrumentos próprios do processo judicial, e ao condenar antecipadamente os cidadãos chamados a depor em tais comissões. Evidencia-se a luta da mídia para legitimar-se como agente político, sem possuir, em realidade, interesse algum na melhora das Instituições do Estado, mas sim na disputa com o Judiciário pelo poder simbólico de imposição da “verdade” e pelo exercício democrático da cidadania. Para abordar o tema, o / This research is a study of relations between the media and the judiciary. Here the goal, the use of Parliamentary Committees of Inquiry (CPIs) as an instrument of media policy, occurring thus the solapamento the legitimacy of the state arising from the struggle for hegemony in the political arena, especially in the field of action of the Constitutional Jurisdiction. Thus, the dynamics of political and media action is intended to produce an effect of destabilizing the institutions, the encroaching role of the judiciary to promote trials, without the protections and the instruments themselves of the judicial process, and to condemn in advance citizens called to testify in such commissions. There is the struggle of the media to legitimize itself as a political, not have, in fact, any interest in improving the institutions of the state, but in the dispute with the judiciary by the symbolic power of imposing the "truth" and the democratic exercise citizenship. To address the issue, the first chapter describes the

This dissertation is devoted to the study of who used the formal channels of interaction in the early modern era and why. It examines the full range of the political conversation in early modern Sweden, as seen in the supplications to the Diet in the Age of Liberty (1719–1772), and more specifically the supplications submitted to the parliamentary committee tasked with handling them, the Screening Deputation. The literature yields few systematic studies of this official channel, and supplications have long been terra incognita in the early modern political landscape. Their exact importance is uncertain, to say the least. Using a database built on three samples from the beginning, middle, and end of the Age of Liberty, the Diet's supplication channel is shown to have been used by two groups: supplicants from state-affiliated households primarily tried to use it to pursue their claims on the state, to settle various issues related to employment, or to receive some sort of support through hard times; and, increasingly, commoners, especially delegates in the Estate of the Burghers, used the channel for their gravamina concerning commerce, taxation, and the like, and state support for public amenities, a group for whom the Screening Deputation offered an alternative route to getting their grievances heard by the Diet. Both groups increasingly used the Diet's supplication channel was appeal the verdicts of the King in Council (Kungl. Maj:t). Although most were not appeals against the Judicial Audit, the results reveal an active use of appeals, and thus a de facto erosion of Kungl. Maj:t's supremacy. The results also show that as many as three-fifths of all supplicants had their supplications accepted by the Screening Deputation for further examination by the Diet. Although the acceptance rate was definitely lower in the 1730s and 1740s, the committee seems to have been fairly benevolent in its interpretation of the rules on petitioning. The results, lastly, show that although the Diet's supplication channel allowed excluded groups direct access to the Diet - including women of all classes, commoners of rank, and unrepresented groups - it mainly catered to men with the social status or wealth that put them in the middle and upper strata of society. Although this supplication channel stood open to anyone, its egalitarian potential was seemingly never realized. The use of March and Olsen's institutional theory about the logic of appropriateness, has revealed that certain institutional templates and norms that would have enabled these groups more access to the channel succumbed and made room for other institutional foundations. Supplications were part of the medieval and early modern centralization of legal and political power, the formation of the state, the protection of the privileges of Swedish subjects, and, during the Age of Liberty, the power struggle between the Diet and the kings. Each supplication viewed by itself might seem trivial, but nonetheless played a part in each and every one of these major processes. An ordinary Swede could have an impact on early modern politics when acting in concert with other supplicants, like rain eating away at rock.

Este estudo tem por escopo explorar o instituto da reserva de jurisdição, analisando suas origens, motivações e conseqüências. Outrossim, visa estabelecer os critérios para se eleger as situações que devem ser submetidas a ela quando não houver previsão expressa no ordenamento jurídico, além de aplicá-lo ao âmbito do Processo Penal, avaliando a necessidade de sua aplicação nos meios de prova e nos meios de obtenção de prova. A reserva de jurisdição consiste no impedimento de outros órgãos exercerem atividades pertencentes ao núcleo essencial da função jurisdicional, sendo corolário do princípio da separação dos poderes, um dos pilares do Estado Democrático de Direito. Embora se admita uma interpenetração entre as funções estatais, existe uma parcela de cada uma delas que só permite a intervenção do órgão mais adequado e aparelhado para desenvolvê-la. No caso da função jurisdicional, isso ocorre quando o conflito de interesses a ser resolvido de forma definitiva envolve um bem constitucionalmente protegido ou um direito fundamental e só pode ser solucionado pelo Poder Judiciário. Não obstante, pretende-se aplicar as conclusões extraídas acerca da reserva de jurisdição a uma situação prática que se costuma se apresentar problemática, a investigação perpetrada por meio das Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito. O objetivo é dar ao §3º do artigo 58 da Constituição Federal, que confere aos membros das CPIs poderes investigatórios próprios de autoridades judiciais, interpretação mais consoante com a tese desenvolvida, ou seja, defender que apenas os magistrados podem autorizar a efetivação de medidas restritivas de direitos fundamentais necessárias no bojo de um inquérito parlamentar, ainda que não haja expressa previsão no ordenamento jurídico. / This work aims to explore the scope of the institute Judicial Reserve, analyzing its origins, motivations and consequences. It also seeks to establish the criteria to choose the situations that should be subjected to it when there is no express provision in the legal system, and apply it to the scope of Criminal Proceeding, evaluating the need of its implementation in the evidence and in the means of obtaining evidence. Judicial Reserve is the prevention of other agencies carry out activities belonging to the core of the judicial function, which is a corollary of the principle of separation of powers, one of the pillars of the Democratic State. Although it is accepted interpenetration between the state functions, there is a portion of each that only allows the intervention by the most suitable and equipped agency to develop it. In case of the judicial function, this occurs when the conflict of interests to be resolved definitively involves a constitutionally protected good or a fundamental right, and can only be resolved by the Judiciary. Nevertheless, we intend to apply the conclusions drawn about the Judicial Reserve to a practical situation that used to present problems, the investigation conducted by the Parliamentary Committees of Inquiry. The goal is to give the § 3 of article 58 of the Constitution, which gives members of CPI investigative powers similar to the judicial powers, interpretation more consonant with the thesis developed, ie, defending that only judges can authorize the execution of measures restricting fundamental rights on an parliamentary inquiry, although there is no express provision in the law.

Les théories de la démocratie délibérative admettent deux modèles, dialogique et rhétorique, réservant chacun au Parlement un rôle central : élaborer les décisions par la discussion délibérative ; contribuer à la formation du jugement des citoyens par le débat contradictoire. Cette thèse explore les fondements empiriques de ces modèles. A travers l’analyse argumentative des débats en séance publique et l’observation ethnographique des échanges en commission, elle compare l’idéal normatif aux pratiques du Parlement français. Discussions délibératives et débats contradictoires se révèlent alors faire partie intégrante des interactions parlementaires. La discussion délibérative se déploie principalement au Sénat et en commission, bien qu’elle émerge parfois à l’Assemblée nationale et en séance publique. Son influence sur la législation demeure limitée, sans être pour autant négligeable. L’hémicycle de l’Assemblée nationale apparaît, lui, comme l’espace privilégié du débat contradictoire. Ces résultats plaident en faveur du bicamérisme, qui permet de concilier les rôles pédagogique et législatif des débats parlementaires. Ils mettent également en avant l’incertitude de la séance publique : loin de se contenter d’enregistrer les décisions gouvernementales, celle-ci se révèle fréquemment comme un espace d’arbitrage et d’élaboration des décisions. Cette étude est enfin l’occasion, à travers l’analyse inductive des données recueillies, de proposer une contribution à la théorie politique : identifier les caractéristiques argumentatives de la discussion délibérative, confirmer et préciser les vertus du débat contradictoire, affiner l’effet du huis clos sur les discussions. / Deliberative democracy theories allow two different dialogical and rhetorical models which both give a central role to the Parliament: elaborating decisions by way of deliberative discussion and contributing to the formation of the citizens’ judgement by way of contradictory debates. This thesis explores the empirical foundations of these models. Through the argumentative analysis of public session debates and the ethnographical observation of exchanges in committees, it compares the normative ideal to the practices of the French Parliament. Deliberative discussions and contradictory debates thus reveal themselves to be an integral part of parliamentary interactions. Deliberative discussion is mainly deployed in the Sénat and in committees, even though it sometimes emerges at the Assemblée nationale and during public sessions. Its influence on legislation remains limited though not entirely insignificant. On the other hand, the hemicycle of the Assemblée nationale appears to be a prime space for contradictory debate. These results advocate for a bicameral system, which allows the educational and legislative aspects of parliamentary debates to be reconciled. They also highlight the uncertainty of public sessions: far from being restricted to the registering of governmental decisions, these sessions are frequently used to arbitrate and elaborate decisions. Finally, through the inductive analysis of the collected data, this study is the opportunity to put forward a contribution to political theory: identifying the argumentative characteristics of deliberative discussion, confirming and pointing out the virtues of contradictory debate, and clarifying the effects of an in camera environment on discussions.

Este estudo tem por escopo explorar o instituto da reserva de jurisdição, analisando suas origens, motivações e conseqüências. Outrossim, visa estabelecer os critérios para se eleger as situações que devem ser submetidas a ela quando não houver previsão expressa no ordenamento jurídico, além de aplicá-lo ao âmbito do Processo Penal, avaliando a necessidade de sua aplicação nos meios de prova e nos meios de obtenção de prova. A reserva de jurisdição consiste no impedimento de outros órgãos exercerem atividades pertencentes ao núcleo essencial da função jurisdicional, sendo corolário do princípio da separação dos poderes, um dos pilares do Estado Democrático de Direito. Embora se admita uma interpenetração entre as funções estatais, existe uma parcela de cada uma delas que só permite a intervenção do órgão mais adequado e aparelhado para desenvolvê-la. No caso da função jurisdicional, isso ocorre quando o conflito de interesses a ser resolvido de forma definitiva envolve um bem constitucionalmente protegido ou um direito fundamental e só pode ser solucionado pelo Poder Judiciário. Não obstante, pretende-se aplicar as conclusões extraídas acerca da reserva de jurisdição a uma situação prática que se costuma se apresentar problemática, a investigação perpetrada por meio das Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito. O objetivo é dar ao §3º do artigo 58 da Constituição Federal, que confere aos membros das CPIs poderes investigatórios próprios de autoridades judiciais, interpretação mais consoante com a tese desenvolvida, ou seja, defender que apenas os magistrados podem autorizar a efetivação de medidas restritivas de direitos fundamentais necessárias no bojo de um inquérito parlamentar, ainda que não haja expressa previsão no ordenamento jurídico. / This work aims to explore the scope of the institute Judicial Reserve, analyzing its origins, motivations and consequences. It also seeks to establish the criteria to choose the situations that should be subjected to it when there is no express provision in the legal system, and apply it to the scope of Criminal Proceeding, evaluating the need of its implementation in the evidence and in the means of obtaining evidence. Judicial Reserve is the prevention of other agencies carry out activities belonging to the core of the judicial function, which is a corollary of the principle of separation of powers, one of the pillars of the Democratic State. Although it is accepted interpenetration between the state functions, there is a portion of each that only allows the intervention by the most suitable and equipped agency to develop it. In case of the judicial function, this occurs when the conflict of interests to be resolved definitively involves a constitutionally protected good or a fundamental right, and can only be resolved by the Judiciary. Nevertheless, we intend to apply the conclusions drawn about the Judicial Reserve to a practical situation that used to present problems, the investigation conducted by the Parliamentary Committees of Inquiry. The goal is to give the § 3 of article 58 of the Constitution, which gives members of CPI investigative powers similar to the judicial powers, interpretation more consonant with the thesis developed, ie, defending that only judges can authorize the execution of measures restricting fundamental rights on an parliamentary inquiry, although there is no express provision in the law.

The thesis deals with the personal stability of the Czech Parliament in the period after 1993 when the Czech Republic was founded. The author assumes a better orientation in both organizational and procedural issues of reelected representatives. The aim of this thesis is to explore what factors have influenced the rate of reelection of MPs and Senators and how these are subsequently reflected in the personal structure of both Chambers. Using a quantitative analysis, the author tests the hypothesis that the rate of reelection will be higher in the Senate due to the majority voting system which is more personalized than the proportional one used in the Chamber of Deputies. The hypothesis was tested in the Committees analogically. Furthermore, the author tests if the current level of voter turnout influences the final election results and the rate of reelection, respectively. The text is divided into three chapters. The thesis is composed of a common structure heading from a theoretical background towards empirical analysis.

Many studies have focused on whether or not different kinds of strategies used towards radical right parties give them more or less electoral support and power. This study, however, sets out to center the MP’s subjective views on how the strategies and different approaches are being used and experienced in parliamentary committees in the Swedish Riksdag. The purpose of the study is to gain new and more detailed information of the motivations used for the strategies from the MPs subjective views of the Swedish Democrats (SD). The different types of strategies studied are excluding strategies such as ignore, cordon sanitaire, demonise and defuse. The including strategies which are examined are adapt and collaborate. Vote technical disidentification is a theoretical contribution to strategies being used from this study and shows how MPs blame other parties for voting more on SD than their own. Semi- structured interviews with MPs from five parties, including SD, in three different parliamentary committees with a total number of 15 participants, which are used as the material. The result of the study suggests that there are some differences in the approaches of the different MPs, and the difference lies mostly in between and within parties and not so much among the different committees. The MPs have some differences in their subjective conception of the SD where some have a tough approach against them while others have a softer understanding to them socially but none except for one MP want formal collaboration with them. In broad terms, the political right has some tendencies to use inclusion strategies and the political left uses the exclusion strategies more broadly and not the inclusion at all, according to the result. Informal approaches to take distance from SD, used more by the political left. The perception of the strategies and approaches being used differs a lot from between the MPs from SD and the rest of the MPs in the study. A more hard, unfair and undemocratic is the perceptions of the MPs from SD of the strategy and approaches while the others do not see them as commonly used.

Ce mémoire vise à évaluer les réformes consistant à encadrer le pouvoir de nomination que confère la prérogative royale au premier ministre. Notre étude s’inspire largement de l’institutionnalisme historique en science politique et des analyses en termes de « path dependency ». Selon cette approche, lorsque les décideurs amorcent une trajectoire de politique publique, leurs décisions subséquentes auront tendance à suivre la même direction. À partir des documents gouvernementaux et des transcriptions de comités parlementaires, ainsi que de l’exemple de la Grande-Bretagne, ce travail cherche à évaluer si les réformes visant à contraindre le pouvoir de nomination du premier ministre canadien ont suivi une trajectoire « path dependent ». Nos conclusions nous amènent plutôt à constater qu’en ce qui concerne les nominations, le Canada est plus monarchique que la Grande-Bretagne. Pour le Canada, l’impression générale qui se dégage à la fin de ce mémoire n’en est pas une de « path dependence » mais plutôt d’incrémentalisme disjoint. / This paper aims to assess the reforms that regulate the appointment power conferred by the Royal Prerogative to the Prime minister. Our study is largely based on historical institutionalism in political science and analysis in terms of “path dependency”. This theory argues that once policymakers begin a course of public policy, their subsequent decisions will follow the same direction. Based on governmental documents, transcripts of parliamentary committees and the example of Great Britain, this work seeks to assess whether the reforms to constrain the appointment power of the Prime Minister of Canada validates the “path dependence” approach. Our findings leads us rather to see that with regard to appointments, Canada is more monarchical than Great Britain. Our general conclusion is that the Canadian approach is not “path dependent” but can be better described as “disjointed incrementalism”.

Ce mémoire vise à évaluer les réformes consistant à encadrer le pouvoir de nomination que confère la prérogative royale au premier ministre. Notre étude s’inspire largement de l’institutionnalisme historique en science politique et des analyses en termes de « path dependency ». Selon cette approche, lorsque les décideurs amorcent une trajectoire de politique publique, leurs décisions subséquentes auront tendance à suivre la même direction. À partir des documents gouvernementaux et des transcriptions de comités parlementaires, ainsi que de l’exemple de la Grande-Bretagne, ce travail cherche à évaluer si les réformes visant à contraindre le pouvoir de nomination du premier ministre canadien ont suivi une trajectoire « path dependent ». Nos conclusions nous amènent plutôt à constater qu’en ce qui concerne les nominations, le Canada est plus monarchique que la Grande-Bretagne. Pour le Canada, l’impression générale qui se dégage à la fin de ce mémoire n’en est pas une de « path dependence » mais plutôt d’incrémentalisme disjoint. / This paper aims to assess the reforms that regulate the appointment power conferred by the Royal Prerogative to the Prime minister. Our study is largely based on historical institutionalism in political science and analysis in terms of “path dependency”. This theory argues that once policymakers begin a course of public policy, their subsequent decisions will follow the same direction. Based on governmental documents, transcripts of parliamentary committees and the example of Great Britain, this work seeks to assess whether the reforms to constrain the appointment power of the Prime Minister of Canada validates the “path dependence” approach. Our findings leads us rather to see that with regard to appointments, Canada is more monarchical than Great Britain. Our general conclusion is that the Canadian approach is not “path dependent” but can be better described as “disjointed incrementalism”.