The main theme of the thesis is a discussion of education and social change in the three East Asian societies over the post-war period. The thesis is divided into four sections. The first is a background study. In this section, the social and educational backgrounds of the respective societies are discussed. Special attention is paid to the stress on modernization as a common orientation in social developments. Major concepts and definitions of modernization are discussed and an attempt is made to study the modern development of these societies in the light of modernization theories. The second section is a discussion of education in technological societies. The concepts of industrial, post- industrial and technological societies are discussed in the light of the works of the major social theorists and futurologists. The development of technology and its relationships with education are outlined. Further, the social implications and problems of technological and scientific education are analysed. The third section is a discussion of education in rapidly changing societies. The acceleration of social change in modern societies is traced. Rapid changes in the educational scene of the respective societies are also outlined. The social implications and problems of the rapidity of change and the role and functions of education in face of rapid change are discussed. The fourth section is a discussion of the emergence of credentialism in modern societies and its manifestation in education. Negative aspects of diplomaism, excessive competition and examination systems are discussed. In conclusion, an overall review of the relationships between education and social development is made. There is an analysis of the fundamental educational problems of modem societies, and finally, in this context, a suggestion that the objectives of education should be reconsidered.

This study is devoted to politics of nationalism under Bulgarian communism (1944-89). The research aims to analyse the actual content of the Bulgarian communist policies on three main national questions and the ideas behind them. How did Bulgarian communism understand nation and nationalism? How did the Bulgarian Communist Party policy on issues of nationalism change over time? What was the legacy of communist politics of nationalism after the fall of the regime in 1989? This thesis focuses on three national questions in Bulgaria: `the Macedonian Question', the position of the ethnic Turkish minority, and the politics of Jewish identity. It argues that revealing the ideas behind the communist policies in relation to these questions explains how communism understood national identity in Bulgaria. Chapter 1 provides an overview of theories of nationalism and communism in relation to Bulgarian communism. Chapter 2 analyses the understanding of communist internationalism and nationalism of the founders of Bulgarian communism and their followers in the contest of Marxism, Marxism-Leninism and Stalinism. Chapter 3 discusses Bulgarian communist mythology and argues that under communism Bulgarian national mythology was at the basis of promoting cultural nationalism which in its own turn was used for political mobilisation against ethnic diversity. Chapters 4,5 and 6 are dedicated to the three national questions mentioned above and their development under communism. Chapter 7 examines politics of nationalism after the fall of the communist regime in Bulgaria in 1989 and argues that by promoting cultural nationalism based on ethnic homogeneity the policies of the BCP in relation to ethnic minorities determined the politics of nationalism during post-communism in Bulgaria. The chapters are linked by the argument that Bulgarian communism changed its original idea of building a communist ration-State as a political community with class identity at its core to building an ethnically homogenous nation-state with ethnic Bulgarian identity as its organising principle.

In this final thesis the author focuses on the transfer of Germans from Czechoslovakian borderlands after World War II. It is considered to be one of the most fundamental incident of post-war period in Czechoslovakia which took place primarily between 1945 and 1947. This work is specifically focused on former Sušice district where used to live a numerous german minority. Althought vast majority of Sušice citizens were of Czech origin and after 1938 Sušice was not annexed to German Reich, the border were right behind the town and many villages of the district were significantly German. After 1945, it was the committees of Sušice who were in charge of the expulsion. During two years, but mainly 1946, fourteen transports were sent beyond the borders. Most of the Germans then settled in neighboring Bavaria. Šumava witnessed a massive population decline. In spite of efforts to populate this area again, some villages remained abandoned due to its location and living conditions. We can still see remains of the villages and settlements in the woods of Šumava. KEYWORDS Transfer of Germans, Sušice district, 1945-1947, post-war period

This essay revolves arounds aspects of post-war Swedish student housing construction. The relationship between policy and practice is at the center. The main purpose of the thesis is to analyze ideas and main policies in two official state investigations focusing on student housing construction: SOU 1961:35 and SOU 1970:43. The method for reviewing these investigations is called WPR-analysis, where the focus is on investigating how student housing construction is conceptualized as a societal problem to deal with. Ideas and policies in the investigations are then compared with some built environments that were constructed during the time period when the investigations were conducted. Three conclusions are formulated in the essay. The first conclusion is that policy ideas in SOU 1961:35 revolve around questions of appropriatieness and rationality, two key concepts in contemporary housing policy discourse in Sweden. The second conclusion is that there are parallels between the two investigations analyzed, but that SOU 1970:43 more strongly articulates an idea of a universal housing ideal where everyone's right to housing is the primary ambition. The third and final conclusion is that a movement from a more selectively oriented housing policy to a universal counterpart can also said to be illustrated by the examples of student housing environments that are examined.

La population qui constitue l’objet d’intérêt de la thèse est la communauté polonaise, fixée sur le territoire français depuis l’entre-deux-guerres, dans leur forte majorité ayant statut des « travailleurs étrangers ». L’objectif de la thèse est l’analyse de la situation et de l’histoire de la communauté polonaise en France dans les dimensions sociale, politique, culturelle et dans les aspects précis choisis. L’autre objectif est la présentation de la population polonaise comme étant exemplaire de la situation des immigrés en France dans l’immédiat après-guerre. Les deux premiers chapitres apportent l’analyse des notions employées, la présentation du contexte démographique, économique et politique de la France au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et de la genèse de la communauté immigré polonaise en France. Les deux chapitres suivants constituent les études précises de cette communauté dans l’immédiat après-guerre, par l’analyse de la situation, du statut et des changements au sein de l’immigration polonaise, ensuite des conflits politiques intérieures au sein de cette communauté – tout cela dans le contexte du rapatriement, organisé à l’époque par les autorités polonaises de Varsovie. Le dernier chapitre constitue l’étude de l’évolution des phénomènes de l’enseignement polonais, de l’aumônerie polonaise et de la fameuse vie associative des Polonais en France. En bref, la thèse présente divers aspects du processus de l’intégration progressive de la communauté immigrée polonaise à la société d’accueil, accélérée par les années d’hostilités et le contexte particulier de l’immédiat après-guerre. / The object oh the following thesis is the Polish community living in France from the interwar period, in the majority consisting of laborers who owned the status of travailleur étranger – “foreign worker”. The aim of this dissertation is the analysis of the situation and the history of the Polish community in France in the following dimensions: social, political and cultural and in chosen detailed aspects. What is more, the aim of the thesis is a presentation of Polish community as an example of situation of immigrants in France in the years following Second World War. The first two chapters present the analysis of notions frequently used and demographic, economical and political context in France of that time, at last the presentation of the genesis of the Polish community in France. Next two chapters constitute detailed study of this community in the chosen period, through the analysis of its situation, legal status and social changes, as well as internal political conflicts. This is described, taking into consideration, repatriation of the Poles from France, organized by the Polish government in Warsaw. The last chapter constitutes the study of evolution of the Polish education phenomenon, Polish priesthood and well-known activity of Polish associations. To sum up, in the thesis are presented the diverse aspects of the progressive process of the integration of the Polish immigrants in France which was accelerated by the War and the specific context of the first years after the Liberation.

The presented diploma thesis deals with bilateral relations between Czechoslovakia and Romania during first years after the World War II. It is concentrated primarily on research of the political and economical relations. The introduction is followed by the brief summary of tradition of the mutual bilateral cooperation in the framework of Little Entente. Next chapter occupies itself with the negotiations of Romanian exile politicians with the Allies concerning the armistice treaty in which Czechoslovak diplomatic representatives of the exile government in London played a key role. The following part describes and analyses the process of re- establishment of the diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and Romania after the war. The chapter presenting the situation of Czechs and Slovaks living in Romania between 1944- 1945 follows after that. Two texts about the contribution of Romanian military troops on the liberation of Czechoslovakian territory and about the post-war re-emigration of Czech and Slovakian compatriots from Romania back to Czechoslovakia represent an essential part of this diploma thesis. The following chapter deals with the Czechoslovakian attitude towards the prepared peace treaty with Romania during the Paris Peace Conference negotiations in 1946. The penultimate part...

This thesis explores the bilateral shipping and trade between Finland and Sweden during the post-war period. It comprises five articles and one introductory chapter for which the common point of departure is the growth and transformation of bilateral trade and shipping. The first two articles analyse the structural change of bilateral trade from a national and regional perspective. The three following articles provide an overview and analysis of the ferry shipping. By integrating the perspective in these articles in the introductory chapter and by providing a long historical record, the change of economic relations between Finland and Sweden in the post-war period is discerned. This thesis applies an economic historical approach and is founded on various fields of social science. The issue of trade is analysed within the framework of conventional and new trade theory, and the analysis of ferry shipping is governed by economic and geographic theories. The studies on trade shows that the transformation of production seen in Finland and Sweden meant that the trade increasingly became dependent on an exchange of products arising from matching industries. In turn the foreign trade arising from the Northern part of Finland and Sweden was still dominated by so called inter-industry trade. In addition to these results, the studies of ferry services shows that the growth of vehicles and passengers conveyance, together with the expanded onboard services, also intensified the commercial exchange. Due of the multi-output structure, the ferry service efficiently met the growing demand of travel and trade. The main conclusion of this thesis is that the convergence of incomes and economic structure had a significant impact on bilateral trade and ferry shipping. In addition the process of economic integration, technological advances together with specific policies issued on shipping also contributed to strengthen the economic ties between Finland and Sweden.

I centrum för avhandlingen står den konflikt om skolagan som aktualiserades när det svenska skolväsendet skulle stöpas om till en enhetsskola. Undersökningsperioden är 1946-1962. Det övergripande syftet har varit att analysera denna konflikts upprinnelse, utveckling och följder i relation till skolans fostransuppdrag och barndomens innebörder. Med utgångspunkt i detta syfte har dels har det formella skolpolitiska spelet kring enhetsskolan och skolans fostransuppdrag beskrivits, dels har ett antal centrala texter som producerades i denna process analyserats. Teoretiskt och metodiskt har undersökningen knutit an till ett diskursanalytiskt förhållningssätt där frågor om makt och styrning är centrala. I diskussionen om skolans fostransuppdrag framträdde olika diskurser som på vissa punkter stod i skarp opposition mot varandra. Vid en närmare granskning av denna konflikt har diskursernas olika möjlighetsvillkor undersökts, i betydelsen deras historiska och samhälleliga förutsättningar och deras inre logiker; och de centrala ord, begrepp och metaforer som har utgjort diskursernas centrala element har kunnat ringas in. De två maktteoretiska begreppen styrningsrationalitet och hegemoni har utgjort de primära analytiska redskapen. Med hjälp av styrningsrationalitetsbegreppet har de målsättningar, inställningar och problem som har varit knutna till hanteringen av barnen under perioden åskådliggjorts. De olika antaganden om barnet som den fostrande verksamheten har vilat på, kunskaperna och vetenskaperna som har legat till grund för den, teknikerna som har ansetts nödvändiga samt det subjekt som utgjort målet för olika fostrande åtgärder har analyserats och diskuterats. Med hjälp av hegemonibegreppet har kampen om skolbarnets fostran under perioden kunnat förstås och fostransdiskussionens konsekvenser för hur den nya skolans fostrande målsättningar formulerades och kom till uttryck i grundskolans formativa dokument. / This dissertation analyses the controversy on corporal punishment that arose in conjunction with the Swedish comprehensive school reform. The time period covered is 1946-1962. The overarching aim has been to explore and analyse the origins, development and consequences of this debate in relation to the school’s task of character formation and changed notions of childhood. The school politics in which the comprehensive school reform took shape has been examined and a number of central documents that were produced in this process have been analysed. Theoretically and methodologically a discourse-analytical approach has been used where issues of power and governance have been central. In the discussion on character formation in school different discourses were operating, which at certain points stood in sharp disagreement with each other. This became especially clear in the debate on corporal punishment. A closer analysis of these discourses has revealed their different conditions of possibilities, in the sense of their historical and societal circumstances and their internal logics, and the keywords, concepts and metaphors that constituted the central elements of these discourses have been highlighted and described. The two theoretical concepts governmentality and hegemony have been used as the primary analytical tools for the study. With the concept of governmentality the goals, attitudes and problems that have been tied to the training of the schoolchild during the period have been made visible. The different presuppositions about the child’s being and development on which the character-forming practices have been built, the knowledge and science that have been referred to, the techniques that have been viewed as necessary and the subject that has been the goal for various character-forming actions have been analysed and discussed. With the concept of hegemony the power struggle connected to the discussion of character formation during the period has been examined and the various guidelines for the school’s task of character formation that were formulated and expressed in the formative documents of the comprehensive school have been made visible.

This Bachelor’s Thesis introduces a previously unexplored visual artist to the field of Art history: Renata Wrede. Born in 1923 and active until her death in 1998, Renata Wrede produced a varied and colorful corpusof paintings, lithographies, drawings, sculptures, textile designs and pottery, most–but not all -of which is in the possession of her family. Herrigorous artistic training, deep engagement with her other passion –horses –and personal struggles for independence combined to create a varied style with anthropomorphizing images of -among many motifs-horses. Four of these images, taken from different periods of her life as an artist -are analyzed in this thesis paper. The focus on the analysis of the four works is the role of the horses in the picture: What do they do? How do they contribute to the composition? Why are they there? With the help of Renata Wrede’s autobiographical three books, Mitt romerska lejon (My Roman Lion), Juvelskrinet (The Jewelry Box) and Ior och hästarna (Ior and the Horses), the pictures are analyzed from the information provided by the writer and artist herself. The appendix includes a collection of Renata Wrede’s works (incomplete, but extensive) put together by the author of this thesis.

Au sortir de la Grande Guerre, de jeunes hommes d’une génération promise au combat mais privée de la mission eschatologique qui lui était dévolue, donnent un sens à leur vie en s’investissant dans la lutte pour la Bretagne. Hantés par l’expérience perdue de la guerre, ils conçoivent l’idée que la Bretagne elle-même a perdu la guerre. A leurs yeux, cette défaite justifie leur combat : le nationalisme breton de l’entre-deux-guerres est une guerre continuée, que les biographies croisées de quatre de ces jeunes hommes permettent de suivre, pas à pas.Dans leur lutte, Mordrel, Delaporte, Lainé et Fouéré cherchent des alliés, choisis en fonction d’une parenté de sort supposée. Ce sont d’abord les Irlandais, les Gallois, les Écossais. Mais l’interceltisme est un échec et les nationalistes bretons se tournent vers la Flandre, la Corse et l’Alsace, ainsi que vers l’Allemagne, pays vaincu qui anime clandestinement la contestation des nationalités européennes afin de remettre en cause les traités de 1919.Par ces échanges, les jeunes Bretons inscrivent leur action dans les divers courants de réflexion qui traversent l’Europe de la fin des années 1920 et du début des années 1930. Ainsi, l’expérience de la création d’une littérature bretonnante que l’on espère novatrice est une déclinaison locale de la Révolution conservatrice pensée en Allemagne ; le Parti Autonomiste Breton est fédéraliste et européiste, à l’instar des groupes « réalistes » qui s’expriment à Paris ; les cadres du Parti National Breton font l’expérience du « spiritualisme » et du « personnalisme » que théorisent les « relèves »parisiennes et européennes, certains adhèrent également au nordisme que leur inspirent des intellectuels proches de la SS.Dans cette optique, il apparaît clairement que le combat breton tel qu’il fut mené dans l’entre-deux-guerres n’a rien de spécifiquement breton : il est l’expression locale de mouvements de pensée européens, autant que la projection d’angoisses et de préoccupations personnelles de quelques meneurs plus ou moins charismatiques. Il en résulte une multiplication des revues ou actions aussi complémentaires que concurrentes, ainsi qu’une grande variation de la qualité des relations interpersonnelles, notamment au sujet de questions aussi cruciales en Bretagne que la religion.En 1939, les connivences avec les milieux de la Révolution Conservatrice allemande, les diverses expérimentations idéologiques, les choix personnels et diverses opportunités conduisent les meneurs nationalistes bretons à entretenir une alliance avec l’occupant dont ils obtiennent bien moins que ce qu’ils espèrent, sans toutefois que cela ne remette en cause les gages que nombre de militants bretons ne cessent d’offrir aux Allemands, à divers degrés. Mais si de l’histoire du mouvement breton, on ne retient volontiers que quelques épisodes spectaculaires et dramatiques de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, force est de constater que cette dernière ne fut pour lui qu’une mise en application d’idées énoncées bien avant partout en Europe, et adaptées à la Bretagne par quelques personnalités hors norme. / In the aftermath of the First World War, a generation of young men sworn to combat - yet restricted from the eschatological mission destined to them - resolve to find meaning in their lives by fully devoting themselves to fight for Brittany. Somewhat haunted by the wasteful experience of war, they consider Brittany itself as having failed. In their opinion, this defeat justifies their fight : the Breton nationalism of the inter-war period is a continued war, and can be traced through the biographies of four young men.In their struggle, Mordrel, Delaporte, Lainé and Fouéré seek for allies from supposed similar backgrounds, looking first to Ireland, Wales, and Scotland. Nevertheless, this kind of pan-Celticism fails, so the Breton nationalists direct their energies towards Flanders, Corsica and Alsace - as well as Germany, a defeated country which clandestinely challenges European nationalities, in order to dispute the various 1919 Treaties.As a result of these foreign exchanges, the young Bretons invest themselves into various schools of thought which spread across Europe in the late 1920s and the early 1930s. Thus the creation of a Breton Literature believed to be innovative can indeed be considered as a local variation of German conservative revolutionary thinking. The Breton Autonomist Party is federalist and pro-Europe, such as other 'realist' groups which are forming in Paris. The directors of the Breton National party experiment in « spiritualism » and « personalism » as theorised by Parisian and European « relèves » (relief teams), and some of these directors are also inspired to adhere to Nordism by intellectuals inclose contact with the SS.With all this in mind, it appears that the activities carried out in the name of the « Breton struggle » during the inter-war period are in no way unique to Brittany. Rather, they are the local expression of movements of European thinking, as well as the projection of anxiety and personal issues of some considerably charismatic leaders. This results in an increase in the publication of reviews and actions - both complementary and opposing to the cause - as well big differences in the quality of interpersonal relationships, in particular about issues as crucial to Brittany as religion.In 1939, collusion with the German Conservative Revolution, various ideological experiments, personal decisions, and other diverse factors conduce the nationalist Breton leaders to engage in an alliance with the occupier. This alliance offers them signifìcantly fewer benefits than were hoped for, yet at the same time many Breton militants do not question their involvement and pledges made with the Germans, to varying degrees.If we only remember a few dramatic and sensational episodes of the Breton movement during the Second World War, it must be noted that these episodes are largely the execution of theories circulating long before, all over Europe, and adapted to the Breton cause by a small number of atypical people.