La chaine de Belledonne est l'un des massifs cristallins,comme le Mont Blanc, l'Aar-Gothard au Nord-Est, les grandes Rousses , les Ecrins-Pelvoux, l'Argentera-Mercantour au Sud-Est. Ces massifs sont cernés de terrains sédimentaires vis à vis desquels ils jouent le rôle de socle . Ces massifs cristallins externes montrent une évolution très complexe au niveau stratigraphique et structural . Cette présente étude porte sur un petit secteur et contribue à la compréhension de la géologie du massif de Belledonne.

There is a consistent thread throughout Russian history of governmental management of culture. Tsars and Communist bureaucrats alike have sought to variously promote, censor, or exploit writers, filmmakers, and musicians to control and define the country's cultural content. Often, these measures were intended not necessarily to cultivate Russia's aesthetic spirit, but to accomplish specific policy goals. The promotion of a State ideology and other efforts to stave of social unrest were chief among them. With the fall of Soviet power and the loss of an official ideology promoted by the state, the concept of cultural politics fell to the wayside. It has remained largely ignored ever since. Despite numerous high-profile incidents of persecution of the creative class, analysts have not linked them together as part of an overarching cultural policy. However, the Russian government under Vladimir Putin has faced consistent policy challenges since the beginning of the 2000s that could be mitigated through the implementation of such a policy. In some ways, the breadth and character of State involvement in the cultural sphere follows the pattern of the country’s autocratic past. In others, it demonstrates that it has adapted these policies to function in the hybrid regime that Putin has created, as opposed to the totalitarian ones that preceded it. A recent case that exemplifies this new breed of cultural policy is the persecution of the radical feminist punk band Pussy Riot. While largely unknown to many Russian citizens, the group’s overt opposition to the patriarchal model of rule established by Putin with the help of the Russian Orthodox Church was met by the most comprehensive crackdown within the cultural sphere since perestroika. Examining this case in detail can reveal the extent to which the Russian government is concerned about its ability to maintain popular legitimacy. The fact that it has continued to try to manage the cultural sphere may indicate the level of democracy that has or has not been established in Russia so far today. / text

One of the most significant acts of protest against the rule of Vladimir Putin was staged by the punk group Pussy Riot in Christ the Saviour’s Cathedral in Moscow in February 2012. The protest was one of several actions during the last decade where Russian artists had questioned the role of the Russian Orthodox Church, but this time the role of the Church in relation to the State rule was directly highlighted. This caused strong reactions internationally and in Russia, and there is a need to look into the arguments used in the debate in detail, using discourse analysis. This thesis, therefore, investigates what discourses the most prominent stakeholders – the Church, the State and Pussy Riot – rely on in the public debate around the Pussy Riot performance and the trial. Interconnections between different discourses are also investigated in order to gain a better insight into how religion, politics and popular culture interact in Russia today. The most important conclusion in this thesis is that religion and religious discourse affect legal and political practices in Russia today in ways that are not normally expected in a modern and secular state.

This thesis examines the recent emergence of corporeal protest art in Russia. Through analyses of cultural, social, and economic shifts in the post-Soviet Era, I observe how this corporeal turn reflects a significant cultural transition away from the literary text, which has traditionally held a role of major importance in Russian culture. Detailed analysis of the contemporary performances of Pussy Riot and Petr Pavlensky are conducted in order to elucidate the social and political causes and implications of such a shift. Manifestation of oppositional discourse on the site of the human body is understood theoretically through Giorgio Agamben’s biopolitics, Mikhail Bakhtin’s grotesque body, and Inke Arns’ and Sylvia Sasse’s theory of subversive affirmation. Interestingly, this artistic divergence has coincided with the rise of relative economic and social wellbeing in Russia – conditions that tend to foster the development of a burgeoning public sphere, now standing at odds with an increase in political repression. Oppositionists and protest artists are, therefore, exploring new and unconventional ways of expressing dissent. My study contextualizes these new methods of expression within the larger tradition of the cultural expression of political will, examining the ways in which these works are readable through Russian cultural norms and to whom they speak. / Graduate

The master'sthesiscalledThematicpreferencesoftheCzechprintedmedia seenontheexampleofthecaseofPussyRiotdeals withthe mediaphenomenon Pussy Riot, whichprovokedheightenedinterestofboththegeneralpublicand Russianand Western mediaatthebeginningof2012.The membersoftheartistic activistmovementPussyRiotperformedtheso-called"punkprayer"intheCathedral of Christthe Saviourin Moscow. Thisact, whichhadpoliticalandreligious overtones, wassubsequentlycriminalized. Thethesisoffersaninsightintothe backgroundofthecasefromtheperspectivesofhistory,inspirationandgoalsofthe movement.Italsoseekstopointouttheimportantaspectsoftheirperformanceand eventsthattookplaceafterthecase.ThethesisshowshowthePussyRiotissuehas beenaddressedbythemediaaroundtheworld,takingintoaccounttheworkofthe journalistandtheinfluencesthatmayshapehisorherwork.Italsotakesintoaccount theinfluenceoffeminism,itsdevelopmentinthemedia,anditsconnectionwiththe activismofPussyRiot.ThemainaimofthisworkistofindouthowCzechmedia haveconstructedmeaningsrelatedtoPussyRiotfromthebeginningofthecasetothe present.Todothis,aqualitativeanalysisofthreeCzechdailynewspapers Mladá frontaDNES,Hospodářskénoviny,PrávoandthreeCzechweeklyRespekt,Reflex andTýdenwasused.

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Denna uppsats är ämnad att undersöka vilka ord som används som benämningar för manliga och kvinnliga könsorgan samt att identifiera eventuella likheter och skillnader mellan hur män och kvinnor benämner dessa. Avsikten är även att kartlägga vad metaforerna bland orden säger i relation till samhället i stort. Studiens forskningsfrågor är: Vilka är de mest förekommande orden för manliga och kvinnliga könsorgan? Vilka ord använder män respektive kvinnor och finns det några likheter eller skillnader mellan könen? Vilka metaforer går att kategorisera och vad säger de? Materialet som analyserats består av en digital enkät som besvarats av 81 vänner och bekanta från sociala medier samt 85 gymnasieelever från tre skolor i olika delar av Sverige. Den inhämtade datan analyserades sedan genom att grupperas i semantiska kategorier. De vanligaste orden för könsorganen identifieras och sätts i relation till tidigare forskning och uppsatsens teoretiska utgångspunkter. Resultatet visade på ett fortsatt språkligt tabu kring föreliggande ämne. Både de manliga och kvinnliga informanterna var överens om att de mest förekommande benämningarna för könsorganen var de stigmatiserade orden kuk och fitta. Det skilde sig heller inte mellan män och kvinnor vilka fem ord de angav som vanligast för kvinnliga och manliga könsorgan. Ordet snippa verkar även fått fäste i det svenska folkets ordförråd sen lanseringen 2006. Metaforerna bland könsorganens benämningar har inte bildats slumpmässigt utan metaforiska samband identifieras. Dessa bidrar till en upprätthållning av en könsskillnad mellan män och kvinnor där mannen är överordnad kvinnan genom de aktiva och hotfulla metaforerna medan kvinnan framställs passiv och hjälplös. Vårt tänkande är i grunden metaforiskt och används för att förstå den verklighet vi lever i.

The thesis is a contribution to the analysis of media representation through the use of critical discourse analysis of twelve English written articles by Russian and international media sources. The articles were chosen in relation to the unauthorised Pussy Riot protest in the Cathedral in Moscow back in February 2012, and the societal changes that have taken place thereafter. The analysed articles have been written and published between February 2012 and January 2014. The aim with the study is to see how media sources from different geographical backgrounds described the same events and news.