Esta dissertação gira em torno da lei nº 11.520, que em setembro de 2007 estabeleceu o direito a uma pensão especial a todas as pessoas atingidas pela hanseníase e compulsoriamente internadas em colônias hospitalares até 31 de dezembro de 1986. Por um lado, alinhado ao trabalho de diversas pesquisadoras, tais como Vianna (2013), Bevilaqua (2013), Schuch (2008), Das e Polle (2008), Vecchioli (2001) e Ferreira (2009), o enfoque não é direcionado à letra da lei 11.520/2007 (enquanto conjunto de artigos e incisos), mas sim às “práticas” que a constituem. Por outro lado, inspirada pela abordagem de Law (1992) e principalmente de Mol (2002, 2008), tomo como objetivo rastrear aquilo que chamei de múltiplas performances da lei 11.520/2007; ou seja, as várias versões da lei em ação. Com base no trabalho de campo realizado com sujeitos que pleitearam aquela pensão especial, familiares e membros do Movimento de Reintegração das pessoas atingidas pela Hanseníase (Morhan), e principalmente a partir do campo levado a cabo junto à Comissão Interministerial de Avaliação (CIA), responsável pela gestão e análise dos pedidos de pensão em Brasília, busco delinear negociações, estabilizações e efeitos da/na constituição das histórias performadas da lei. Tal empreitada tem como hipótese que a categoria “pessoa atingida pela hanseníase e compulsoriamente internada” (advinda da letra da lei) se constitui através do processo, implicado na gestão da lei, de objetivação dos sujeitos – performatizando não apenas os sujeitos de direito, mas o próprio Estado. / This paper revolves around Brazilian Federal Law 11.520 that in September 2007 granted a special pension to former patients who were affected by leprosy and compulsorily isolated in leprosy colonies before 1987. On the one hand, aligned with researchers such as Vianna (2013), Bevilaqua (2013), Schuch (2008), Das e Polle (2008), Vecchioli (2001) e Ferreira (2009), my focus is not on the law as a list of articles and sections, but rather on the “practices” that constitute it. On the other hand, inspired by thinkers such as Law (1992) and specially Mol (2002, 2008), I seek to delineate what I have called the multiples performances of the law 11.520/2007; in other words, different versions of the law in action. On the basis of field research conducted with former interns, their families and members of Morhan (Movimento de Reintegração das Pessoas atingidas pela Hanseníase) – a social movement that promotes the rights of people affected by leprosy -, and mainly field research conducted at the Interministerial Evaluation Commission (Comissão Interministerial de Avaliação – CIA), responsible for the management and analysis of the applications in Brasilia, I seek to track the various negotiations, stabilizations and effects involved in the forging of the performed histories of the law. This paper is guided by the hypothesis that the category of “affected by leprosy” (atingido pela hanseníase) and “compulsorily isolated” (compulsoriamente isolado) are terms constituted throughout the process implicated in the law’s management of the objectivation of the people involved - in which not only the subjects but also the State is performed.

Allt fler företag går i dagsläget från en linjär till en cirkulär ekonomi med hjälp av implementering av hållbarhetsstrategier. I och med att allt fler företag börjar använda sig av en cirkulär ekonomi har inte alla områden hunnit utvecklats med det. Ett område som är outforskat är reparationsmaterial, som används av företag eller konsumenter som vill reparera deras kläder. I den här studien har tre reparationstejper som existerar på marknaden applicerats på skalmaterial för att studera och kartlägga vilken av dessa som har längst hållfasthet. Studien kommer även att behandla vilken av dessa reparationstejper som lämpar sig för en cirkulär ekonomi. Detta då företag ska kunna erbjuda en reparationstejp som går i enlighet med detta.   Reparationstejperna genomgick fyra olika tester för att testa dess vidhäftningsstyrka, dessa är tvätt-test, vidhäftningstest, dragprovning samt nötningstest. Resultaten utifrån dessa tester visade på att Gore-Tex var den reparationstejp som hade bäst hållfasthet på skalmaterialet. Däremot visade det sig att Tesa Eco Repair var mest lämpad för cirkulär ekonomi, även om Gore-Tex också visade sig kunna ingå i ett slutet system. Gorilla-tejpens vidhäftningsstyrka var bättre än Tesa Eco Repair men eftersom underlag saknas för att ta ställning till om den lämpar sig för cirkulär ekonomi eller inte, går det inte ta ställning till detta.   Denna studie ämnar att rikta sig till företag som vill implementera ett reparationskit eller undersöka vilka reparationsmöjligheter det kan tänkas finnas för både företag och konsumenter. Den kan även finnas som riktlinje för företag som vill erbjuda reparationstejper i sin verksamhet men även för produktutveckling av en reparationstejp som ingår i en cirkulär ekonomi. Den här studien kan spela en stor roll för samhället och företag. Detta då den ger riktlinjer som behövs tas för att följa med i den pågående trend vad det gäller cirkulär ekonomi och hållbar konsumtion. / In the world today, more companies go from a linear economy to a circular economy by implementing sustainability strategies. As more and more companies begin to use a circular economy, not all areas have developed with it. One area that is unexplored is repair material that companies and consumers use if they want to repair their clothes. In this study, three repair tapes that exist on the market Gore-Tex, Tesa Eco Repair, and Gorilla-tape were applied to shell material to examine and map which one of them is the strongest and most durable. This study is also going to discuss which one of the repair tapes is most suitable for a circular economy. This is because companies should be able to offer one repair tape that fits in an circular economy.   The repair tapes were examined through four different experiments to test their adhesion strength including: the laundry test, adhesion test, tensile testing, and abrasion test. The conclusions drawn from these tests showed that Gore-Tex was the strongest repair tape on the shell material. However, the tests also showed that Tesa Eco Repair was most suitable for a circular economy even though Gore-Tex proved to be part of a circular economy. The Gorilla-tape adhesive was stronger than Tesa Eco Repair but since there is no basis for determining whether it is suitable for circular economy or not, it can not be taken into account.   This study is directed to companies that want to implement a repair-kit or investigate what repair opportunities they have, both for companies and consumers. It will serve as a guideline for companies that want to offer repair services in their operation but also for product development of a repair program that can be successful in a circular economy. The study can play a major role for in society and company development as it will give them guidelines on the ongoing trend of circular economies and sustainable consumption.

Esta dissertação gira em torno da lei nº 11.520, que em setembro de 2007 estabeleceu o direito a uma pensão especial a todas as pessoas atingidas pela hanseníase e compulsoriamente internadas em colônias hospitalares até 31 de dezembro de 1986. Por um lado, alinhado ao trabalho de diversas pesquisadoras, tais como Vianna (2013), Bevilaqua (2013), Schuch (2008), Das e Polle (2008), Vecchioli (2001) e Ferreira (2009), o enfoque não é direcionado à letra da lei 11.520/2007 (enquanto conjunto de artigos e incisos), mas sim às “práticas” que a constituem. Por outro lado, inspirada pela abordagem de Law (1992) e principalmente de Mol (2002, 2008), tomo como objetivo rastrear aquilo que chamei de múltiplas performances da lei 11.520/2007; ou seja, as várias versões da lei em ação. Com base no trabalho de campo realizado com sujeitos que pleitearam aquela pensão especial, familiares e membros do Movimento de Reintegração das pessoas atingidas pela Hanseníase (Morhan), e principalmente a partir do campo levado a cabo junto à Comissão Interministerial de Avaliação (CIA), responsável pela gestão e análise dos pedidos de pensão em Brasília, busco delinear negociações, estabilizações e efeitos da/na constituição das histórias performadas da lei. Tal empreitada tem como hipótese que a categoria “pessoa atingida pela hanseníase e compulsoriamente internada” (advinda da letra da lei) se constitui através do processo, implicado na gestão da lei, de objetivação dos sujeitos – performatizando não apenas os sujeitos de direito, mas o próprio Estado. / This paper revolves around Brazilian Federal Law 11.520 that in September 2007 granted a special pension to former patients who were affected by leprosy and compulsorily isolated in leprosy colonies before 1987. On the one hand, aligned with researchers such as Vianna (2013), Bevilaqua (2013), Schuch (2008), Das e Polle (2008), Vecchioli (2001) e Ferreira (2009), my focus is not on the law as a list of articles and sections, but rather on the “practices” that constitute it. On the other hand, inspired by thinkers such as Law (1992) and specially Mol (2002, 2008), I seek to delineate what I have called the multiples performances of the law 11.520/2007; in other words, different versions of the law in action. On the basis of field research conducted with former interns, their families and members of Morhan (Movimento de Reintegração das Pessoas atingidas pela Hanseníase) – a social movement that promotes the rights of people affected by leprosy -, and mainly field research conducted at the Interministerial Evaluation Commission (Comissão Interministerial de Avaliação – CIA), responsible for the management and analysis of the applications in Brasilia, I seek to track the various negotiations, stabilizations and effects involved in the forging of the performed histories of the law. This paper is guided by the hypothesis that the category of “affected by leprosy” (atingido pela hanseníase) and “compulsorily isolated” (compulsoriamente isolado) are terms constituted throughout the process implicated in the law’s management of the objectivation of the people involved - in which not only the subjects but also the State is performed.

Esta dissertação gira em torno da lei nº 11.520, que em setembro de 2007 estabeleceu o direito a uma pensão especial a todas as pessoas atingidas pela hanseníase e compulsoriamente internadas em colônias hospitalares até 31 de dezembro de 1986. Por um lado, alinhado ao trabalho de diversas pesquisadoras, tais como Vianna (2013), Bevilaqua (2013), Schuch (2008), Das e Polle (2008), Vecchioli (2001) e Ferreira (2009), o enfoque não é direcionado à letra da lei 11.520/2007 (enquanto conjunto de artigos e incisos), mas sim às “práticas” que a constituem. Por outro lado, inspirada pela abordagem de Law (1992) e principalmente de Mol (2002, 2008), tomo como objetivo rastrear aquilo que chamei de múltiplas performances da lei 11.520/2007; ou seja, as várias versões da lei em ação. Com base no trabalho de campo realizado com sujeitos que pleitearam aquela pensão especial, familiares e membros do Movimento de Reintegração das pessoas atingidas pela Hanseníase (Morhan), e principalmente a partir do campo levado a cabo junto à Comissão Interministerial de Avaliação (CIA), responsável pela gestão e análise dos pedidos de pensão em Brasília, busco delinear negociações, estabilizações e efeitos da/na constituição das histórias performadas da lei. Tal empreitada tem como hipótese que a categoria “pessoa atingida pela hanseníase e compulsoriamente internada” (advinda da letra da lei) se constitui através do processo, implicado na gestão da lei, de objetivação dos sujeitos – performatizando não apenas os sujeitos de direito, mas o próprio Estado. / This paper revolves around Brazilian Federal Law 11.520 that in September 2007 granted a special pension to former patients who were affected by leprosy and compulsorily isolated in leprosy colonies before 1987. On the one hand, aligned with researchers such as Vianna (2013), Bevilaqua (2013), Schuch (2008), Das e Polle (2008), Vecchioli (2001) e Ferreira (2009), my focus is not on the law as a list of articles and sections, but rather on the “practices” that constitute it. On the other hand, inspired by thinkers such as Law (1992) and specially Mol (2002, 2008), I seek to delineate what I have called the multiples performances of the law 11.520/2007; in other words, different versions of the law in action. On the basis of field research conducted with former interns, their families and members of Morhan (Movimento de Reintegração das Pessoas atingidas pela Hanseníase) – a social movement that promotes the rights of people affected by leprosy -, and mainly field research conducted at the Interministerial Evaluation Commission (Comissão Interministerial de Avaliação – CIA), responsible for the management and analysis of the applications in Brasilia, I seek to track the various negotiations, stabilizations and effects involved in the forging of the performed histories of the law. This paper is guided by the hypothesis that the category of “affected by leprosy” (atingido pela hanseníase) and “compulsorily isolated” (compulsoriamente isolado) are terms constituted throughout the process implicated in the law’s management of the objectivation of the people involved - in which not only the subjects but also the State is performed.

In order for the proceeds of unlawful activities to be completely dislodged from the criminals’ hands, the latter should be effectively deterred from allowing their assets to be used to execute or facilitate the commission of offences. When properly exacted, in the interests of justice and within the existing constitutional framework, the legal process known as asset forfeiture should ensure that crime never pays. Asset forfeiture refers to both criminal forfeiture, which is conviction based following the United Kingdom asset forfeiture regime and civil forfeiture, which is non-conviction based following the United States of America one.2 Chapter 5 provisions of the Prevention of Organised Crime Act3 (hereafter POCA) provides for court, Basdeo M – Search, Seizure and Asset Forfeiture in the South African Criminal Justice System: Drawing a Balance between Public Utility and Constitutional Rights (2013) LLD, University of South Africa in Chapter 5 where a comprehensive comparative study of SA POCA and United States of America’s asset forfeiture and origin is undertaken. 3 Act 121 of applications for a restraint, confiscation and realisation for the recovery of proceeds of unlawful activities. The restraint is invoked when a suspect is to be charged or has been charged or prosecuted, there are reasonable grounds to believe that a conviction may follow and that a confiscation order may be made. Chapter 6 provisions of POCA provide for court applications for preservation and forfeiture order targeting both the proceeds of unlawful activities and removal from public circulation of instruments or assets used in the commission of offences where the guilt of the wrongdoer is not relevant. POCA has a Schedule with 34 items setting out examples of offences in relation to which civil forfeiture may be invoked. When the State discharges this noble professed task in the name of public safety, security and crime combating, legal challenges arise. This is more so within a constitutional democratic context where both individual and property rights are enshrined and protected. This study deals with some of these challenges. To the mind of a legal researcher, the law of asset forfeiture is, in this process, moulded and developed. South Africa (a developing country), Canada and New Zealand (developed countries in the north and southern hemispheres) have constitutional democracies. They also have asset forfeiture regimes, which attracted the attention of the researcher. The question is: can the developing country learn some best practices from the developed countries in this particular field? It would be interesting to establish this and the level of development of this field in the three countries under study. South Africa, with no federal government, has nine Provinces, single asset forfeiture legislation5 (combining both criminal forfeiture i.e. restraint, confiscation and realisation applications and civil forfeiture i.e. preservation and forfeiture applications), and a criminal statute6 applicable to all such Provinces. It also has, like Canada and New Zealand, pockets of asset forfeiture provisions embedded in various statutes. There is only one asset forfeiture office under the umbrella of the National Prosecuting Authority.7 It has branches8 in the Provinces, invoking the provisions of POCA, since 1999. It is not part of the police department. The researcher joined the South African Port Elizabeth branch in March 2003, Bloemfontein, Kimberly and Mmabatho branches from 2010 to 2011, July 2012 onwards in the Port Elizabeth and has practical experience in this regard. The Prevention of Organised Crime Act 121 of 1998. The Namibian POCA 29 of 2004 is almost a replica of the South African POCA except that the former makes express recognition of the victims of the underlying victims. The Criminal Procedure Act, 51 of 1977 (as amended). The Asset Forfeiture Unit (AFU) with its Head Office situated in Pretoria under the umbrella of the National Prosecution Authority, which Raylene Keightley in Young S Civil Forfeiture of Criminal Property Legal Measures for Targeting the Proceeds of Crime (2009) Cheltenham Edward Elgar Publishing, Inc.: Northampton, MA at 94 calls a specialist implementation agency. In Pretoria, Johannesburg, Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, East London, Durban, Bloemfontein, Kimberley, Mmabatho, Mpumalanga and Limpopo. It comprises of eleven Provinces to which the Criminal Code of Canada, the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act 1996 and a host of other statutes apply. Eight of the eleven Provinces have their own and distinct primary stand-alone asset forfeiture statutes introducing civil forfeiture10 as more fully explained in Chapter 2 of this study.

MITF (MIcrophthalmia-associated Transcription Factor) contrôle de multiples aspects de la physiopathologie du lignage mélanocytaire. Par des techniques de génomique haut débit (ChIP-seq, RNA-seq), nous avons montré que MITF active un ensemble de gènes impliqués dans la réplication et la réparation de l’ADN ainsi que la mitose pour stimuler la prolifération des cellules de mélanome, et réprime des gènes contrôlant leur caractère invasif. Pour étudier le mécanisme d’action de MITF, son interactome a été déterminé par spectrométrie de masse mettant en évidence de nombreux partenaires à activité co-activateur ou co-répresseur (bcaténine, complexes de remodelage de la chromatine BRG1 et NURF) ainsi que des facteurs intervenant dans le cycle de l’ubiquitination et de déubuquitination (HERC2 et USP11). Une caractérisation fonctionnelle de HERC2 et USP11 suggère qu’ils agissent comme des cofacteurs transcriptionnels de MITF essentiels pour la prolifération des cellules de mélanome. / MITF (MIcrophthalmia-associated Transcription Factor) controls multiple aspects of the physiopathology of the melanocyte lineage. Using high throughput genomics techniques (ChIP-seq, RNA-seq), we show that MITF activates a set of genes involved in DNA replication and repair as well as mitosis to promote melanoma cell proliferation, while repressing genes involved in promoting their invasion. To better understand how MITF acts both as a transcriptional activator and repressor, we characterized the MITF interactome by tandem immuno-affinity purification and mass-spectrometry. A complex set of partners with coactivatoror co-repressor properties were identified (b-catenin, the BRG1 and NURF chromatin remodeling complexes) as well as novel factors with ubiquitin E3 ligase (HERC2) and ubiquitin-specific protease (USP11) activities. Functional characterization of HERC2 and USP11 suggests that they act as transcriptional cofactors for MITF essential for melanoma cell proliferation.

La culpabilité est une émotion fréquente, sociale et réflexive associée à une tendancecomportementale de « réparation » des dommages causés. Pourtant, ce lien n’est passystématique et plusieurs recherches ont montré que la culpabilité pouvait provoquer descomportements négatifs, voire antisociaux. Les explications de ces effets paradoxaux sonten grande partie insuffisantes. En particulier, les processus cognitifs sous-jacents àl’émotion de culpabilité demeurent mal connus. Douze expériences ont testé d’une partl’implication de trois processus cognitifs, d’autre part les conditions d’influence de laculpabilité sur un comportement pro-social (le comportement pro-environnemental). Lesrésultats montrent en premier lieu que la culpabilité favorise le comportement proenvironnementalen présence de suggestions de réparation, mais que ce lien est renversé(réactance) lorsque les propositions de réparation sont trop flagrantes. En outre, il a étémontré que la culpabilité favorisait une orientation d’attention vers des stimuli liés à laréparation ainsi qu’une plus grande attitude positive implicite envers la réparation. Aucuneffet n’a été trouvé concernant l’implication du processus d’accessibilité. Ces résultats sontdiscutés en termes d’une meilleure compréhension globale du fonctionnement de laculpabilité et de perspectives de recherche, notamment dans le domaine de la persuasion. / Guilt is a frequent, social and self-conscious emotion generally assumed to motivatea desire to repair. However this link is not automatic and several studies found that guiltcould sometimes lead to negative outcomes. Explanations for these paradoxical behavioralconsequences are still in need for clarification. The processes underlying these effects arein particular still unidentified. Twelve experiments tested 3 potential underlying cognitivemechanisms as well as the influence of guilt on pro-environmental behavior considered asa specific category of general prosocial behavior. First, our results indicate that guilt maypromote pro-environmental behavior in the presence of reparation suggestions, but thatthis link is fragile and can be reversed when reparatory means are blatantly offered by theguilt inducer. Second, our results showed that guilt leads people to pay more attention toreparation cues and to develop a more positive attitude toward reparation means. However,surprisingly, guilt does not seem to increase the accessibility of reparatory means. Resultsare discussed in terms of a better knowledge of guilt’s functioning as well as perspectivesin the field of pro-environmental persuasion.

In terms of the Constitution every person has the right to freedom and security of the person. This includes the right to be free from all forms of violence from either public or private sources. The state is charged with the duty to protect the individual from such harm. While the Constitution refers to the protection of victims of crime in broad and general terms without indicating how these rights should be protected, it makes meticulous and detailed provision for the rights of arrested, detained and accused persons. This leads to the popular belief that the Constitution protects the criminal and not the victim, engendering public dissatisfaction with the status quo, which is amplified by the fact that South Africa’s current legal dispensation for victims of crime does not embody the requirements of ubuntu and African customary law, which the Constitution declares to be binding on South African courts. This study analyses the means that exist in South African law for the victim of crime to obtain redress for criminal acts and proposes effective avenues through which victims can obtain redress, should the existing machinery prove to be inadequate. The term restitution is used to indicate recompense obtained from the perpetrator, while the term compensation refers to recompense obtained from the state. A comparative study is conducted to ascertain how the legal position of victims of crime in South Africa compares with that of victims of crime in Great Britain, India and New Zealand, respectively. South Africa does not have a state-funded victim compensation scheme such as those which exist in most developed countries. The respective proposals of the South African Law Commission for a victim compensation scheme and revised legislation to deal with offender/victim restitution are considered critically, inter alia, in the light of the findings of the comparative study. Proposals are made regarding changes to the South African legal system to bring it in line with international developments regarding restitution and compensation to victims of crime, attention being given to the meaning, significance and implementation of the doctrine of restorative justice when dealing with the aftermath of criminal injury. In addition to a complete revision of South African legislation dealing with offender/victim restitution, this study recommends the consolidation of the Road Accident Fund and the Compensation Fund operating in terms of the Compensation for Occupational Injuries and Diseases Act. These two bodies should be amalgamated to create a unified Compensation Scheme to compensate victims of crime, as well as victims of traffic and industrial injuries. General qualifying criteria for claimants would be drafted, with specific criteria applying in cases of traffic, industrial and crime related injuries, respectively.

À travers l’action des juridictions pénales internationales et grâce à une prise de conscience généralisée de la nouvelle stratégie visant à user du viol et autres violences sexuelles comme d’une arme de guerre, la norme internationale en matière de prévention et répression des violences sexuelles a considérablement évolué. La communauté internationale s’est ainsi dotée d’instruments - à caractère contraignant ou non - attestant d’une volonté d’y mettre fin et de lutter contre l’impunité qui y est trop souvent attachée. En sus d’une brève analyse des causes, des conséquences et de l’ampleur de telles violences, cette thèse examine donc principalement ce corpus normatif international assurant la prévention, la répression et la réparation des violences sexuelles (relevant du droit commun ou constitutives de crimes internationaux) et son influence sur les systèmes nationaux. Si, en théorie, une application domestique s’avère essentielle pour obtenir un résultat tangible et durable, elle se confronte en pratique à des obstacles internes - à la fois culturels, sociaux, économiques et juridiques - qu’il est essentiel d’identifier. Cette thèse vise enfin à produire un outil à la fois académique et pratique qui permette d’appréhender d’une façon actualisée et pragmatique la poursuite des violences sexuelles. / The international standard for the prevention and repression of sexual violence has evolved considerably through the work of the international criminal tribunals and thanks to a widespread awareness of the new strategy to use rape and other forms of sexual violence as weapons of war. The international standard for the prevention and repression of sexual violence has evolved considerably. The international community has thus acquired instruments - of binding or non-binding nature - attesting to an inspiration to put an end to sexual violence and to fight against the impunity that is too often attached to it. In addition to a brief analysis of the causes, consequences and extent of such violence, this thesis mainly examines this international normative corpus of legal instruments ensuring the prevention, repression and reparation of sexual violence (under domestic law or constituting international crimes) and its influence on national systems. If, in theory, a domestic application is essential for achieving a tangible and sustainable result, in practice, it faces internal obstacles - cultural, social, economic and legal - that are essential to identify. Finally, this thesis seeks to produce a tool that is both academic and practical, facilitating a contemporary and pragmatic understanding of prosecuting sexual violence.

Consacrée à la fin du 19ème siècle, la perte de chance n'est autre qu'un préjudice visant à réparer 1 disparition de la probabilité de constater la réalisation d'un évènement favorable. Synonyme du hasard quand elle est employée au singulier mais synonyme de probabilité lorsqu'elle est plurielle la chance est encadrée par le droit. La perte de chance constitue un préjudice réparable dès lors que la victime du comportement dommageable démontre la réunion de certaines conditions de fond. A cet effet, la question de la causalité semble retenir une attention toute particulière. Le lien de causalité doit s'établir entre le comportement répréhensible et la perte de chance. Ainsi, le préjudice de perte de chance dispose d'une causalité autonome et ne saurait se confondre avec le dommage intégral. Par ailleurs, la chance doit être « réelle et sérieuse » pour être réparable, excluant ainsi toutes les chances faibles de la réparation. La victime obtiendra alors une réparation à hauteur de la chance perdue. Disposant d'une valeur juridique, la chance doit être irrémédiablement perdue pour être réparable. En effet, si la victime se prévaut d'une chance encore susceptible d'être atteinte, la réparation de la chance sera exclue. Bien que rigoureusement définie, la perte de chance s'est quelque peu dévoyée afin d'apparaître comme une notion « fourre-tout », comme un réflexe juridique, comme la solution de la dernière chance pour obtenir une réparation. Dans cet objectif, la perte de chance a notamment contourné la relation causale, pourtant indispensable, afin d'attribuer ce préjudice une vocation plus morale que juridique. La perte de chance subit les conséquences de l'évolution du concept de responsabilité civile et l'influence du principe de précaution. Remettant en cause la définition de la perte de chance, cette conception a même permis de poser la question de l'existence de cette théorie juridique qui ne rencontre qu'un succès plus que relatif dans le systèmes juridiques européens. Coincée dans un tourbillon juridique, la perte de chance est devenue un réflexe indemnitaire mettant toutes les chances au même niveau. Par un revirement de jurisprudence, assez inattendu, la Cour de Cassation est venue insérer la référence à la notion de « chance raisonnable ». Ainsi, la perte de chance retrouve la place qui lui avait été consacrée en ne réparant que les chances substantielles. Ce travail consistera à démontrer l'intérêt que cette révolution juridique apporte au préjudice de perte de chance. Qu'il s'agisse de l'efficacité de son régime juridique ou de stabilité de son application, la perte de chance aura tout intérêt à épouser un renouveau juridique au gré de propositions, certes rigoureuses, mais ô combien pragmatiques. / Acknowledged by the end of the 19th century, the loss of chance is nothing else than the prejudice recognizing the Joss of the probability of a positive event occurring. Synonymous of coincidence when used in its singular form but synonymous of probabilities when plural, the chance is in framed by law. The loss of a chance is a repairable prejudice as long as the victim of the harmful attitude shows the gathering of a few substantive conditions. To this effect, the notion of causality ought to be given a particular consideration. The chain of causation must be established between the objectionable behavior and the loss of chance. Hence, the loss of chance prejudice has its own autonomous causation and shall not be mistaken with the entire damage. Furthermore, the chance must be « real and serious » in order to be repairable, thus excluding the low chances on reparation. The victim will then obtain a compensation equal to the loss of chance. Having a legal value, the chance must be lost forever in order to be compensated. Indeed, if the victim claims chance that might still be reached, its compensation will be excluded. Even though it has been rigorously defined, the loss of chance has been brought down to the holdall status, as a legal reaction as if it were the last possibility to obtain compensation. In this perspective, the loss of chance has bypassed the causality, yet essential, in order to award to this prejudice a moral connotation whether than a legal one. The loss of chance undergoes the consequences of the evolution of the civil liability concept and the influence of the precautionary principle. Taking perspective on the loss of chance's definition, this concept has even enable the question of the existence of this legal theory, which encounters a relative success in the European legal systems. Trapped in a legal swirl, the loss of chance has become a compensation reflex, putting all the chances on the same level. By an unexpected revision of the jurisprudence, the Cour de Cassation (Supreme Court), has integrated the reference the "reasonable chance" notion. Thus, the loss of chance finds its original place back, compensating only the substantive chances. This work will aim at demonstrating the impact of the legal revolution on the loss of chance. Whether it is the effectiveness of its legal regime or the stability of its enforcement, the loss of chance has an interest in embracing the legal renewal through strict and pragmatic propositions.