Urban areas play important role in relation to potential risks and impacts of climate change. Adaptation experience is accumulating in the public and private sector across the world. This diploma thesis evaluates current creation of adaptation strategies in cities of the Czech Republic with the use of institutional analysis by the IAD framework. The aim of the thesis is to identify the most common constraints on the adaptation strategies making process and to suggest possible solutions. Data collection method is based on in-depth interviews with stakeholders in the cities of Pilsen, Prague and Brno. Identified constraints include lack of policy support, different level of experiences with creation of conceptual documents and problem with funds for adaptation action. As a solution deepen partnership between self-government and non-profit institutions and deepen cooperation between politics and civil servants with focus on information exchange is needed. In addition conceptual characterization of problems in cities together with their identification, which can helps to obtain funding for implementation of adaptation actions (e.g. through the LIFE programme) is recommended.

This diploma thesis evaluates models of territorial self-government funding from the view of delegated powers in the Czech republic. To reach this goal, thesis is divided into four separated chapters. First chapter defines the function of local government, its position in present system of public administration, explains terms like own powers, extended powers and delegated powers. Second chapter of the work introduces valid legal framework about territorial self-government funding and each particular type of municipal government financing as well. It contains analysis of revenues and expenditures of municipalities and regions in last ten years particulary from 2002 to 2011. It clarifies historical development and gives more information about possible future process of municipal budgets. Third chapter deals with specific fund so called "contribution of execution of state administration". The last fourth part introduces budgetary allocation of municipality taxes and revenues - all according to valid legislation. It includes various suggestions of legal amendments of the budgetary allocation of taxes and their positive and negative effects as well.

The aim of the dissertation is to analyse the issue of the dynamics of the self-government´s aims and the statics of the state administration´s aims in establishing the formal organisational structure of a municipal authority. The second aim is to identify the prevailing formal and informal organizational structure occuring in the respective types of municipal authorities.

Le Conseil de l'Europe est la première organisation internationale à avoir intégré l'acteur infra-étatique dans son action. À travers l'institution de la Conférence permanente des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux, devenue plus tard Congrès des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux, organe pleinement consacré à l'échelon infra-étatique, le Conseil a réussi à octroyer une place institutionnelle particulière aux collectivités territoriales au sein de l'organisation. En même temps, le Conseil dispose de tout un système intergouvernementale, composée des comités et des conférences ministérielles qui s'occupent des sujets relatifs à l'autonomie et à la démocratie locale. De son appareil fonctionnel, il ne reste que la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme qui semble fermer la voie d'accès aux collectivités territoriales en les assimilant à des organisations gouvernementales, rejetant ainsi leur recours. Mais, tel n'est pas le cas de l'Union européenne qui a adopté un comportement différent envers les entités infra-étatiques selon le type de recours. Le Comité des régions, organe équivalent au Congrès des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux au niveau de l'Union européenne, semble s'orienter vers les aspects économiques du développement de l'acteur plutôt régional. En outre, hormis la dimension institutionnelle, le Conseil de l'Europe a également démontré une grande activité normative, en élaborant des textes qui traitent les activités des collectivités territoriales et mettent l'autonomie locale au cœur des diverses politiques pluridisciplinaires de l'Etat. L'autonomie locale devient ainsi une notion multi-facettes dont la nature juridique mérite d'être examinée, afin de vérifier si elle pourrait constituer un droit fondamental et acquérir, par conséquent, le niveau de protection qui lui convient. / The Council of Europe is the first international organization to have integrated the sub-state actor in its action. Through the European Conference of local authorities, which later became the Congress of local and regional authorities and which is a body that focuses entirely on issues at the sub-state level, the Council of Europe pays particular attention to local and regional authorities. In parallel, the Council of Europe has set up an intergoverrunental mechanism composed by ministerial committees and· conferences, which are in charge of local self-government and local democracy-related issues. It is only the European Court of human rights that seems to black access for territorial communities by assimilating them to goverrunental organizations and thus rejecting their appeals. However this is not the case for the European Union, which treats sub-state entities differently, depending on their appeal type. The Committee of the Regions, which is an equivalent organ to the Congress of local and regional authorities in the framework of the European Union, seems to be more interested in the financial aspects of regional development. Putting aside the institutional dimension of the Congress of local and regional authorities, the Council of Europe shows an important standard-setting activity by elaborating conventions conceming the territorial communities' issues and it places local self-government in the heart of diverse state policies. Thus, local self-government has become a multifaceted notion, the legal nature of which needs to be examined in order to explore the possibility of constituting a fundamental right requiring protection. Over time, the Council of Europe has developed concrete mechanisms to control the respect of the local self-government commitments made by the member-states.

This theses, called "Chances and restrains in social worker's profession in Ústí region" is dealing with social worker's profession in self-government context. It's setting off social workers from non-profit organizations. During beginning it's talking about theoretical basis, inevitably bound with social work's field, with focusing on social worker as part of assisting profession. It is, in particular, about opportunities or on the contrary about restrains/limits/barriers, which affects this field of specific self- governing area - Štětí city. Concretely it is about participants, which have here influence on life of local people/potential clients. All under surveillance of superior agency - higher self-government area - social work's methodologists of Ústí region. Research part of this thesis is based on semi-structured interview of previously mentioned participants, which gives overlook how each and every one of them sees limitations in practical social work's overlooks. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The presented dissertation dealed with the process of forming the goverments on the regional level. On the example of the Czech Republic it analysed forming of the executive coalitions in the regions - the upper regionally autonomous units. The text is focused on four electoral periods: 2000-2004, 2008-2008, 2008-2012 and after the elections in 2012. The endeavour of the dissertation was to answer the question which factors are important for constitution of the governments on the regional level and what particularities belong to this process in comparison with the national level. On the level of the national governance the forming process of the government is compiled relatively extensively, however on the regional level, respectively sub-national level, the application of the theoretical information is difficult and the rules are not the same . The theoretical part is described in details. During the analysis it is necessary to bear in mind the theory of the second order elections. The electors prefer various political parties than in the first order election. The theories of games and racional choice are the second level of the theoretical base. Because of these two it is possible to think about a payoff of the individual participants who gain their utility. The theory of coalitions is principal as it...

本論文從「後社會主義中國」發展的框架下以「村民自治」來研究九十年代大陸基層政治參與，從制度層面及非制度層面探討大陸農村村民「政治參與權」發展情況，並分析對大陸未來政治發展可能產生的積極影響及消極影響。制度層面指涉的範圍是在「村民自治」的正式制度規範設計對於人民政治參與權利以及管道上的影響，主要包括「民主選舉」、「民主決策」、「民主管理」、「民主監督」、「村民小組」等等；非制度層面指涉的是包括內外部政治環境、傳統文化、經濟環境、社會環境等因素對人民政治參與的影響。從「村民自治」的制度層面和非制度層面的因素探討中，發現九十年代「村民自治」的政治參與呈現出一種嚴重的不平衡發展狀態。在制度面上，＜組織法＞比＜試行法＞在「四個民主」的機制設計比較進步，但是在選舉的競爭機制改善上成就不是很大；在非制度面上，經濟發展、仲介社團的產生及資訊的進步等因素對於民眾參與的意願有所促進，但是宗族、黨幹部的心態、傳統文化以及政府對傳媒的管制等因素卻使民眾的政治參與受到限制。九十年代大陸基層政治參與情況，由於制度變遷「路徑依賴」的選擇及自我強化的結果，使「後社會主義中國」政治參與的轉型發展，朝著「部份民主化」的方向前進，形成「接近自主型」、「部分自主型」、「被動型」三種不同的「政治參與權」型態。照目前「村民自治」發展情況來看，中共政權朝民主化方向發展是侷限性大於可能性。以漸進、溫和的方式由下而上的推動制度變革、經濟的發展、社會多元化、公民意識及參與政治文化的建立，來作為大陸推動民主化的策略選擇，雖然目前看來成功機會不大，但可作為未來大陸政治轉型之一種轉形發展策略。 / This paper attempts to look into the local political participation in Mainland China during the 1990s. The analysis on the villagers’ self-government under the framework of the post-socialism and the transitional development of Chinese Mainland and the analysis on the villagers’ “political participation powers and rights” from the formal and the informal systems of villagers’ self-government will be used to find the positive and the negative influences on the future of Mainland China’s political development by local self-government political participation. The scope of the formal system of villagers’ self-government includes democratic election, democratic decision-making, democratic management, democratic supervision and villagers’ subcommittee. The scope of the informal system of villagers’ self-government includes the interior and the exterior political environment, traditional culture, economic factor, and social environment. From the gathered data, we find the local political participation on the Mainland China during the 1990s is seriously unbalanced in rural areas of PRC. Because of the effect of path dependence, the transitional path forms three different types of “political participation powers and rights.” From the indications of current local political participation, the democratization of PRC in the near future will be limited. However, the strategy for gradualism reform still can be viewed as one possible path for transitional development of Chinese Mainland.

村里組織是台灣實施地方自治的最基層編組，而村里資源如何運用與分配，更是影響地方自治行政功能甚鉅，然過去研究鮮少討論村里公共資源的分配政治現象。於此，本研究以政治學的分配理論為基礎，採取質性研究方法，以村里基層工作經費為研究主軸，透過深入訪談及文件分析探討村里長是分配村里資源的情形，並分析公所與村里長之間委託-代理關係的監督失靈現象。 研究結果顯示，村里長分配村里資源的模式偏向Cox-McCubbins的模型，村里長以是否為「選舉票倉區」，作為分配村里基層工作經費的基準，而鄉鎮公所與村里長之間的委託-代理關係，則因資訊不對稱及里幹事聯繫失衡對村里長的行政監督有所失靈。 基於研究發現，本文建議，村里基層工作經費應依照村里的大小及人口予以公式化的補助金分配，此外村里長與公所之間的行政責任釐清，可助於減少資訊不對稱的問題，最後村里長運用村里資源的情形應建立衡量指標，落實稽核制度。本文為一初探性嘗試，提供台灣分配政策與政治研究另外一種思考的面向，並且提供未來台灣分配政治研究的實證基礎。 / Village and Neighborhood organization is the most basic unit of local governance in Taiwan, and how the village and neighborhood uses and allocates resources has important impact on the local self-government administration. However, existing research rarely discusses distributive politics of public resources in the village arena. Therefore, based on the perspective of distributive theory, this study explores the allocation of village resources by in-depth interviews and archival research. It further presents the supervision failure by township, on village and neighborhood. The results of this study confirm Cox-McCubbins ’s model on resources allocation. The village and neighborhood chiefs use "election support zone" as criteria to allocate the village and neighborhood funds. The principal-agency relationship between township and village was disconnected due to information asymmetries and loss of contact with the village secretary, which leads to the failure of administrative supervision on village chiefs regarding allocation of the funds.. This study proposes three suggestions for reforms. First, the village and neighborhood funds should be distributed in accordance with a formula based on the size of the village and neighborhood. Second, the administrative responsibility should be clarified between the village and neighborhood chief and townships to reduce the information asymmetry problem. Finally, the indicators measuring the effectiveness of the fund’s usage, should be constructed in order to enforce the audit system. This research is a pilot attempt to provide another perspective and empirical analysis on the distributive policy at local level. It has theoretical and empirical implications for distributive politics.

This dissertation looks at how enhanced political participation opportunities can increase individual liberty and improve public-sector reform efforts. It blends political theory with contemporary concerns for individual well-being and government accountability. To do this, several research methodologies are used, including normative, qualitative process-tracing, and quantitative analysis. First, the dissertation draws insights from ancient and modern political philosophy and the political thought and example of Jane Addams in 19th Century Chicago. It begins with Josiah Ober’s work on civic dignity, which he defines as “equal high standing” among citizens, marked by “non-infantilization and non-humiliation.” This definition is a useful starting point but somehow seems thin for a concept of such import. In exploring the wisdom of Tocqueville’s “schools” of democracy and Jane Addams’ notion of fellowship, I expand the definition of civic dignity to include “having a sense of ownership.” In other words, being dignified as a citizen in a self-governing political community should include having a seat at the proverbial table where one can speak and be heard. This means that political participation opportunities would ideally carry low transaction costs while maximizing the substance that can be contributed. Through Addams’ experience at Hull House, the settlement house she co-founded, I highlight how these opportunities for meaningful political participation are indispensable to individual civic dignity, and by extension, individual liberty and well-being. Second, civic dignity is viewed through a different lens, namely the role it can play when incorporated successfully into policy design and implementation. Arguably, a self- governing political community’s greatest asset is the collective knowledge and lived experience of its citizens. But current political participation mechanisms and policy designs do not do a good job leveraging that resource, and many individuals may find themselves unofficially shut out. Using process-tracing methodology, a case study explores resettlement projects targeting the urban poor in Mandaue City, the Philippines. The case study results demonstrate that deepening democracy (by incorporating civic dignity into the policy design and implementation) not only benefits individual liberty, but can also produce better outcomes and contribute to anti-corruption efforts. Taking civic dignity into account during policy design and implementation is not merely a “feel good” option; it is a strategic option that allows the political community to leverage local knowledge by enlisting the participation of those individuals or groups closest to the problem or challenge at hand. While this finding is not entirely novel, it is far from standard practice. Domestically and internationally, the coercive force of government and/or the “tyranny of experts” is too often the default approach for policy design and implementation. Third, the theoretical and practical explorations of civic dignity are used to construct a measure for civic dignity. In a data driven world, reliable and valid measurement is key, and if the concept of civic dignity is going to gain currency, then validating a scale to capture it is essential. Through Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA), survey items are examined to determine which items map onto the latent factors that comprise civic dignity. A 22-item four-factor solution that maps onto the four components of civic dignity is presented. The newly minted Civic Dignity Scale is then compared against measures from political science and psychology literature that are theoretically related but distinct from civic dignity, such as political efficacy and self-determination, to test for construct validity. Spearman correlations yield reassuring results, showing statistically significant strong positive correlations as hypothesized. Finally, the relationship between the Civic Dignity Scale and political participation is analyzed for further construct validity. A Poisson regression model shows that for every one unit increase in an individual’s civic dignity, the likelihood that one would participate in political activities also increases. While a confirmation factor analysis is needed for further scale validation, the EFA and subsequent analyses do codify and deepen our understanding of civic dignity. In the future, a fully validated Civic Dignity Scale would enable reformers like Addams and those in Mandaue City to legitimize and track their efforts empirically.

本文首先由地方自治意義與功能談起，藉以探討地方自治獲先進國家重視 的原因，並對於地方自治理論如何影響地方自治制度之演進加以說明。再 者，將地方自治與地方政府作一區別，釐清兩者之間的差異，以避免「有 地方政府等於實施地方自治」之錯誤觀念。我國憲法中明文保障地方自治 ，但觀諸臺灣地區實施地方自治四十多年，或受限於政治因素，屢以行政 命令作為實施依據。由於行政命令可隨中央或上級政府之意更改，因而使 得地方自治權限屢受侵剝，論者每以「中央集權又集錢」來形容。是以健 全地方自治，完成地方自治法制化及確實改進地方自治制度的呼聲四起， 本文將檢討因地方自治未落實而產生的之各種問題，並對地方自治法制化 問題做一歸納，以暸解省縣自治法產生之背景。省縣自治法的誕生，使臺 灣地區的地方自治邁入了新的里程碑，但此法公布施行後，除了完成法制 化以及「省長民選」之顯而易見的效果之外，似乎並未能完全解決以前地 方自治的種種問題，以及使地方自治發揮應有的功能。本文將探究其中有 礙地方自治功能發揮之處，並嘗試提出建議，以期健全地方自治法制，使 地方自治功能發揚光大，進而帶動國家整體的進步。本文研究建議，1. 關於自治事權的劃分，應以事權之性質、種類加以劃分，而非以地域來區 分。2.關於自治組織方面，由於縣市政府與鄉鎮市公所組織規程準則皆由 省政府所擬定，省政府在擬定此二規程準則時，應做彈性的規定，使地方 可依當地環境靈活運用。3.在自治財政方面，地方自有財源比例並未明定 ，為保障地方財政自主性，將來應在省縣自治法中明定地方自有財源比例 。再者，為避免中央以補助之名而行干預地方之實，補助與統籌分配制度 應儘速制度化。4.在自治監督方面，似乎可考慮將自治監督之章名改為「 中央與地方之關係」， 因為中央與地方之關係，隨著時代潮流與社經環 境之變遷，不再只是單純的監督關係。中央對地方還有諮詢、服務等關係 ，若僅以監督來看待中央與地方之關係則不僅過於狹隘，且容易因為過於 強調監督反而形成過分干預。5.省縣自治法對於地方人民權利的規定，與 以前相比，顯見充實。但是，相關的法律如創制複決法、資訊公開法等， 均尚未問世。是以中央政府應加速立自治法的規定形同具文。