<p>This study develops a model for understanding spatial change and the construction of space as a meeting-place, and then employs it in order to show an otherwise little-known picture of (sub-)urban Russia and its transformation from Soviet times to today. The model is based on time-geographic ideas of time-space as a limited resource in which forces of various kinds struggle for access and form space in interaction with each other. Drawing on cultural semiotics and the concepts of lifeworld and system, the study highlights the social side of these space-forming forces. Based on a long-term fieldwork (participant observation) in Ligovo/Uritsk, a high-rise residential district developed around 1970 and situated on the outskirts of Sankt-Peterburg (St Petersburg), the empirical material concerns processes of urban identity, spatial representations and local politics. The study explicates three codes used to form the image of the city that all relate to its pre-Revolutionary history, two textual strategies of juxtaposition in creating the genius loci of a place, and a discussion of what I call Soviet "stiff landscape" in relation to Soviet mental and ordinary maps of the urban landscape. Moreover, the study shows that the newly implemented self-governing municipalities have not realised their potential as political actors in forming local space, which raises questions on the democratisation of urban space. Finally, the study argues that the model that guides the research is a tool that facilitates the application of the world-view of time-geography and the epistemology of the landscape of courses in concrete research. The study ends with an attempt to generalise spatial change in four types.</p>

This study develops a model for understanding spatial change and the construction of space as a meeting-place, and then employs it in order to show an otherwise little-known picture of (sub-)urban Russia and its transformation from Soviet times to today. The model is based on time-geographic ideas of time-space as a limited resource in which forces of various kinds struggle for access and form space in interaction with each other. Drawing on cultural semiotics and the concepts of lifeworld and system, the study highlights the social side of these space-forming forces. Based on a long-term fieldwork (participant observation) in Ligovo/Uritsk, a high-rise residential district developed around 1970 and situated on the outskirts of Sankt-Peterburg (St Petersburg), the empirical material concerns processes of urban identity, spatial representations and local politics. The study explicates three codes used to form the image of the city that all relate to its pre-Revolutionary history, two textual strategies of juxtaposition in creating the genius loci of a place, and a discussion of what I call Soviet "stiff landscape" in relation to Soviet mental and ordinary maps of the urban landscape. Moreover, the study shows that the newly implemented self-governing municipalities have not realised their potential as political actors in forming local space, which raises questions on the democratisation of urban space. Finally, the study argues that the model that guides the research is a tool that facilitates the application of the world-view of time-geography and the epistemology of the landscape of courses in concrete research. The study ends with an attempt to generalise spatial change in four types.

O ideal de efetivação da Constituição Federal nos tempos atuais é a concretização dos direitos sociais nela estampados. No entanto, garantir direitos sociais, essenciais para a consolidação de uma igualdade material, capaz de diminuir as discrepâncias sociais, pode corroborar para uma política de troca de favores e aprofundar as raízes clientelistas do voto, dependendo da forma como as políticas públicas são colocadas em prática. O presente estudo visa a analisar a relação entre a implementação de direitos sociais e o exercício de direitos políticos, considerando as políticas de redistribuição de renda desenvolvidas nos últimos governos, principalmente o Programa Bolsa Família. O objetivo é verificar se há algum clientelismo por parte dos governantes ao estabelecer tais políticas, uma vez que podem eles se valer da desigualdade econômica, da vulnerabilidade cívica e da fragilidade das instituições democráticas do país como instrumentos para forjar sua imagem à semelhança de um pai, protetor de uma sociedade carecedora de direitos básicos. E isso pode acabar por institucionalizar um modelo sutil de clientelismo que descaracteriza os indivíduos como atores capazes de escolher as políticas que melhor implementam seus interesses, impedindo o livre exercício do direito ao voto. Por isso, mesmo a concretização de direitos sociais também deve levar em conta que um modelo de democracia inclui ainda a viabilização de um autogoverno dos cidadãos, razão pela qual parece fundamental que, ao gozar de direitos sociais, os sujeitos percebam a sua participação e ingerência na escolha das políticas públicas. O desafio proposto é utilizar o referencial teórico-metodológico do continuum para, ao longo do espectro formado entre o clientelismo e a cidadania, tentar propor alguns parâmetros para aproximar ao máximo as políticas públicas de concretização de direitos sociais de um ideal de cidadania. / The ideal of effectiveness of the Brazilian Federal Constitution nowadays is the assurance of the social rights it frames. However, in order to ensure social rights that are essential to the consolidation of material equality, capable of reducing social discrepancies, it may corroborate a policy of exchange of favors and deepen the roots of vote clientelism, depending on how public policies are put into practice. The present study aims at analyzing the relationship between the implementation of social rights and the exercise of political rights, considering conditional cash transfer programs developed in recent government mandates, specifically the Bolsa Família. The aim is to verify whether there are any clientelistic relationships by governors when setting up said policies, since they can benefit from economic inequality, civic vulnerability and of the fragility of the democratic institutions of the country as instruments to forge their image as the image of a father, protector of society lacking basic rights. This may end up institutionalizing a subtle model of pervasive patronage that decharacterize individuals as players capable of choosing policies that best implement their interests by preventing the free exercise voting rights. Thus, even the solidification of social rights shall acknowledge that the ideal concept of democracy also includes the furtherance of self-government by citizens, which is why it seems essential that they perceive their participation and interference in the choice of social public policies. The challenge proposed is to use the theoretical and methodological framework of the continuum between clientelism and citizenship to try to propose certain parameters to approximate, to the maximum extent possible, public policies for social rights awareness of an ideal of citizenship.

O ideal de efetivação da Constituição Federal nos tempos atuais é a concretização dos direitos sociais nela estampados. No entanto, garantir direitos sociais, essenciais para a consolidação de uma igualdade material, capaz de diminuir as discrepâncias sociais, pode corroborar para uma política de troca de favores e aprofundar as raízes clientelistas do voto, dependendo da forma como as políticas públicas são colocadas em prática. O presente estudo visa a analisar a relação entre a implementação de direitos sociais e o exercício de direitos políticos, considerando as políticas de redistribuição de renda desenvolvidas nos últimos governos, principalmente o Programa Bolsa Família. O objetivo é verificar se há algum clientelismo por parte dos governantes ao estabelecer tais políticas, uma vez que podem eles se valer da desigualdade econômica, da vulnerabilidade cívica e da fragilidade das instituições democráticas do país como instrumentos para forjar sua imagem à semelhança de um pai, protetor de uma sociedade carecedora de direitos básicos. E isso pode acabar por institucionalizar um modelo sutil de clientelismo que descaracteriza os indivíduos como atores capazes de escolher as políticas que melhor implementam seus interesses, impedindo o livre exercício do direito ao voto. Por isso, mesmo a concretização de direitos sociais também deve levar em conta que um modelo de democracia inclui ainda a viabilização de um autogoverno dos cidadãos, razão pela qual parece fundamental que, ao gozar de direitos sociais, os sujeitos percebam a sua participação e ingerência na escolha das políticas públicas. O desafio proposto é utilizar o referencial teórico-metodológico do continuum para, ao longo do espectro formado entre o clientelismo e a cidadania, tentar propor alguns parâmetros para aproximar ao máximo as políticas públicas de concretização de direitos sociais de um ideal de cidadania. / The ideal of effectiveness of the Brazilian Federal Constitution nowadays is the assurance of the social rights it frames. However, in order to ensure social rights that are essential to the consolidation of material equality, capable of reducing social discrepancies, it may corroborate a policy of exchange of favors and deepen the roots of vote clientelism, depending on how public policies are put into practice. The present study aims at analyzing the relationship between the implementation of social rights and the exercise of political rights, considering conditional cash transfer programs developed in recent government mandates, specifically the Bolsa Família. The aim is to verify whether there are any clientelistic relationships by governors when setting up said policies, since they can benefit from economic inequality, civic vulnerability and of the fragility of the democratic institutions of the country as instruments to forge their image as the image of a father, protector of society lacking basic rights. This may end up institutionalizing a subtle model of pervasive patronage that decharacterize individuals as players capable of choosing policies that best implement their interests by preventing the free exercise voting rights. Thus, even the solidification of social rights shall acknowledge that the ideal concept of democracy also includes the furtherance of self-government by citizens, which is why it seems essential that they perceive their participation and interference in the choice of social public policies. The challenge proposed is to use the theoretical and methodological framework of the continuum between clientelism and citizenship to try to propose certain parameters to approximate, to the maximum extent possible, public policies for social rights awareness of an ideal of citizenship.

The Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are two parties with different ideological background. The parties have different opinions in issues of public and private matters. The Social Democratic Party profiles it self, through the local and national party programs, as a party for solidarity and security. The Moderate Party, on the other hand, profiles it self through their programmes as a party with a possibility for the individual to shape his or her own life. Through a survey on members in the local government, and two key persons at national level, the view of municipal self-government has appeared. The party programmes constitute a platform for the parties´ views on municipal self-government. These views have been put together with the result of the survey. Urban Strandberg has designed an analysis frame related to municipal self-government. His concept, municipalities’ basic character, board of directors and administration, is the theoretical foundation of the thesis. The content of the Party programmes and the results of the survey are thendiscussed within the frame of Strandbergs concept and Demokratiutredningens rapport SOU 2000:1. From the collective perspective of the theory, the content of party programmes and the result of the survey an image of the parties’ views on municipal self-government starts to grow. Within each party respectively, they keep a common strategy in important issues, which the local governments and the parties’ basic characters have raised. There are dividing lines due to the administration of the municipalities. Civic participation unites the parties in ideological issues. The opinions, in the issue of municipal self-government, differs between the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party. The reason for that is because of their fundamental different views in the fields of social order and ideology, as it is described in the party programmes. In reality when the parties shape the politics they cannot profile themselves as much as in the"vision"in their party programmes. The parties have to find a middle course, which is reflected in the answers from some of the respondents.

Après avoir adopté la centralisation comme mode d´organisation politique etadministrative, l´Angola et le Mozambique ont décidé d’emprunter la voie de ladécentralisation.Cette option pour la décentralisation se justifierait, selon le discours porté,principalement, par les acteurs politiques, par sa capacité à répondre à des enjeuxpolitiques, sociaux, économiques et administratifs qui on trouve dans ces deux pays.Cependant, le synchronisme entre ce discours et la consécration juridique de ladécentralisation dans ces pays reste loin d´être une réalité.Ainsi, la présente étude analyse la consécration juridique de la décentralisation,compte tenu du discours sur la décentralisation tenu dans ces deux pays. / After adopting political centralization as a form of political and administrativeorganization, Angola and Mozambique made up on decentralization reforms as a largeprocess of administrative reform.This choice for decentralization reforms would be warranted, according to theprevailing discourse, mainly by political actors, by its capacity to address certainpolitical, social, economic and administrative problems that can be found in these twocountries.However, the synchronism between this discourse and the legal consecration ofdecentralization in these countries remains far from being a reality.Thus, this study analyzes the legal consecration of decentralization, taking into accountthe discourse of decentralization prevailing in both countries.

本研究由個人參與社區發展行動的動機與選擇決策作為研究的重心，以理性選擇行為模式為理論基礎，探討社區發展上如何才能克服集體行動的困境，建立永續性的自主治理機制。由於社區事務具有小規模共用資源（Common-Pool Resources；CPRs）的特性，在功能上及產權上無法分割，在使用上無排他性（non- exclusive）但具有某種程度的敵對性（rivalry），過度取用將產生資源耗竭的現象。因此本研究援引共用資源分析方法（Common-Pool Resources Approach）作為分析架構，從個人選擇與互動形式、外部環境與技術的變量以及組織與執行機制三方面，探討社區居民是否形成自主治理的集體行動及其影響變量。 本研究採用多重個案研究的複現方法，選取了三處遭遇特定事件觸發了社群共同議題，而由外力團隊協助建立治理組織之社區，作為實證研究之個案。包括：（1）南投縣中寮鄉的農村社區在歷經九二一大地震後，面對土地資源永續利用與產業轉型的議題；（2）桃園縣龍潭鄉百年大鎮大型住宅社區因社區組織不健全，導致社區環境出現安全問題；（3）台北縣鶯歌鎮陶瓷老街因政策獲選為形象商圈，店家面臨商圈環境管理與商圈行銷議題。 / Base on the theory of reasonable choice behavior mode, the study focus on the resident’s individual motive and decision making process trying to identify the solutions of breaking the bottlenecks of collective actions and build up the sustainable self-government mechanism. The community affairs are small scale common-pool resources CPRs) therefore we cannot clearly dive up their ownerships and functions. In the aspects of usage, the community affairs are non-exclusive but kind of rivalry. It will be decreased if being over-deprived. Thus, this study adopted the common-pool resources approach as the analytical structure to explore if the community residents have organized the collective actions of self-government and the influence variables form 3 major aspects of “individual choice vs. interactive form”, “external environment vs. technical variables” and “organization vs. enforcement mechanism ”. The study took 3 occasional events which touched off some common agenda in the community and have the residents established the organizations of governance by the assistance of external teams as the impractical cases. The three cases included: (1)The agenda faced by rural villages on the aspects of land sustainable usage and industrial transformation in Jhingliao Township of Nantou County, (2) The safety problems brought by the poor community organization of the big scale residential community—Netown in Longtan Township of Taoyuan County.(3) The marketing and business district environment management issues brought by being selected as the official model business district in the Yingge Township of Taipei County.

Les études françaises sur la citoyenneté en Suède sont généralement centrées sur le niveau national. Or le niveau local des communes, landsting et régions a acquis au cours des dernières décennies une forte légitimité pour la citoyenneté. La citoyenneté sociale est assurée en grande partie par les collectivités locales qui mettent en oeuvre le système redistributif de l’État-providence ; grâce à des institutions relativement vertueuses, en dépit des restrictions financières et de la privatisation de services publics le niveau local fournit des services de qualité qui servent de point d’appui essentiel au sentiment d’appartenance des citoyens et à leur degré de confiance dans la société.Mais la citoyenneté locale est en mutation. Le mythe égalitaire qui avait servi de base au Folkhem est remis en cause par des évolutions politiques, économiques et sociétales créatrices d’inégalités. La « communauté imaginée » qui façonnait le lien entre les citoyens est fragilisée par la montée des inégalités, l'apparition de l'extrême-droite dans le paysage politique ainsi que par les conditions créées par l’immigration et le multiculturalisme.Le citoyen exerce moins sa citoyenneté locale dans le cadre du cercle vertueux traditionnel de la civic literacy que dans celui du political trust ; il adopte des comportements civiques pragmatiques, axés par exemple sur ses choix économiques et sur sa responsabilisation dans le domaine environnemental. Dans cette phase de recomposition de la citoyenneté locale, le débat porte essentiellement sur les défis posés par les inégalités sociales et les inégalités socio-ethniques. Cette étude montre que le niveau local fait sens pour la pratique, l’exercice et la représentation de la citoyenneté suédoise / Studies on citizenship in Sweden carried out in France have mostly focused on the national level. However local government in cities, counties or regions has become highly legitimate to address citizenship over the last decades. Local authorities implement at their level the most part of the redistributive social welfare, hence social citizenship is largely granted by them.However local citizenship is changing. The egalitarian myth that once grounded the "Folkhem" is put under question due to social, economic and political changes that produce inequalities. The "imagined Community" that used to bind citizens is weakened by those rising inequalities but also by the increase of far-right political parties. This community struggles to adapt to this new context.Citizens are less prone to act in the traditional virtuous circle of civic literacy but rather in the context of political Trust. New pragmatic, civic behaviours, based on responsibility for the environment and on economic choices can be observed. In this context, debates tackle essentially challenges sparked by social and ethnical inequalities. This study shows that the local level matters when it comes to the practice and the implementation of citizenship in Sweden

The content of the paper is the analysis of the development of territorial structure of public administration in the Czech Republic. The contribution of the paper is the evaluation of the present state of the Czech public administration after the introduced administrative reforms that however have not been completed from the viewpoint of their proper intentions. The foreground character of the present paper is rooted in the solution of the most pressing problems of structural design the area public administration function, that have not yet been corrected by the up to now provided reform steps. In the process of the working of the individual designs, the author has been considering the historic development of the stipulated problems since the year 1848, and the individual views of specialists engaged in the public administration in the Czech Republic and the actual designs provided by the Ministry of the Interior. Among the chief steps that would improve the present state of the public administration in the Czech Republic the author classifies the abolition of law No. 36/1060 Sb., the territorial division of the state, the abolition of municipalities of the 2nd rank and the reduction of the competences of small municipalities with delegated province.

This thesis focuses on chapter 3 articles 8 and 12 of the Ordinance Act, whichdeal with local ordinances issued by the municipalities. It was Vellinge municipality's local ordinances on the prohibition of begging that triggered an extensivedebate about preconditions for local ordinances and the relationship between themunicipal self-government and the normative power. In addition, it raises thequestions of whether local regulations on the prohibition of begging restrict freedom of expression and whether they are discriminatory. Vellinge's local ordinances were submitted to the Supreme Administrative Court (HFD) to decidethe case as the highest instance.HFD states in the case 2018 ref. 75 that local ordinances issued by the municipalities take into account the principle of municipal self-government. This statement has been criticized on the ground that local ordinances should not be considered as a municipal activity. The principle of municipal self-government therefore should not be actualized in local ordinances. But HFDs statement is compatible with the bill to the law, which states that with regard to municipal selfgovernment, the authority to issue local ordinances are given to the municipalitiesand not to the county administrative board. However the county administrativeboard should be able to review all the prerequisites for adopting local regulations.Furthermore, HFD has not dealt with this issue whether local ordinances onthe prohibition of begging conflict with regulations of a higher value or apply toissues that must be regulated by law. HFD has thus not dealt with whether theban on begging restricts freedom of expression and whether it is discriminatory. Begging can be considered as an expression in the Form of Government (RF)and is protected by freedom of expression. The ban on begging therefore violatesfreedom of speech and it must, however, be regulated by law and not by localregulations.Furthermore, given that the ECHR is considered a law in Sweden and theEuropean Court of Human Rights refers to the US judicial precedent on freedomof expression, the American law on freedom of speech and begging has also beenstudied in this thesis in the comparative method.According to the widespread case law in the United States, begging is protected by freedom of expression and regulations prohibiting begging violate beggar’s freedom of expression. There is also no legitimate ground to ban beggingon the streets. The ban on begging can also be considered discriminatory, as it is the peoplefrom Romania and Bulgaria who make up the majority of the beggars in Swedenand it is them who are disadvantaged by these rules.