Les fêtes et les cérémonies, de Cour, publiques ou privées, firent partie des grandes heures du règne de Louis XIV. Charles Le Brun, le Premier peintre du roi, magnifia quelques-unes de ces brillantes célébrations, associant apparat, musique, danse ou feux d’artifice. Les peintures, sculptures, tapisseries ou grandes structures, telles que des arcs de triomphe, étaient conçues ou disposées afin de s’adapter aux divertissements ou aux cérémonies, métamorphosant pendant quelques heures les édifices ou les jardins. Détruites à la fin des événements qu’elles accompagnaient, ces œuvres ont reçu peu d’attention jusqu’à présent. L’analyse des sources contemporaines et des images des décors permet de restituer ces ouvrages, mais également de les replacer dans leur contexte. La genèse de ces œuvres, leur conception et leur fabrication sont étudiées, redessinant les liens que Le Brun avait tissés avec les hommes d’État (le roi, Séguier, Fouquet et Colbert), avec les hommes de lettres, ainsi qu’avec ses principaux collaborateurs, notamment à la Manufacture des Gobelins. L’une des particularités de Le Brun dans ce domaine fut d’ordonner lui-même des fêtes et des cérémonies, ce qui constitue peut-être un cas unique pour un peintre à cette période. Ces œuvres oubliées complètent donc le portrait d’un des plus grands artistes français du XVIIe siècle. Plus que tout autre ouvrage, les décorations ordonnées par Le Brun donnent l’image la plus juste de ses recherches et de ses goûts. Enfin, l’étude de ces fêtes et de leur réception offre une meilleure compréhension de ces moments éphémères, tout en leur conférant la pérennité qu’ils méritent. / Religious ceremonies and festivals, courtly, public or private, constituted the most glorious moments of the reign of Louis XIV. Charles Le Brun, the King’s First Painter, enhanced some of these brilliant celebrations, involving pageantry, music, dance or fireworks. The paintings, sculptures, tapestries or great structures, such as triumphal arches, were designed or arranged to adapt to entertainment or ceremonies, transforming for a few hours gardens or buildings. Destroyed at the end of the events that required them, these works have received little attention until now. In this study, contemporary descriptions and reproductions of Le Bruns decorations are analyzed and brought to light to set them in the context of their day. The origin of these works, their conception and their making are studied, showing Le Bruns connections with statesmen (the King, Seguier, Fouquet and Colbert), with men of letters, and with other artists and workers, in particular those at the Gobelins Manufactory. One of the particularities of Le Brun in this domain was to commission himself festivals and ceremonies, which was perhaps a unique case for an artist at that time. These forgotten works round out the portrait of one of France’s greatest XVIIth Century artists. More than any other work, the decorations commissioned by Le Brun give the most accurate image of his research and taste. Finally, the study of these festivals and their reception offers a better understanding of these ephemeral moments, while giving them a permanence they deserve.

Ce travail de thèse se propose d’étudier le Mercure François comme objet d’histoire à part entière. Souvent considérée comme annonciatrice de la presse périodique d’actualité politique, cette collection de vingt-cinq volumes imprimés et publiés périodiquement à Paris entre 1611 et 1648, poursuit en réalité l’objectif d’écrire et publier l’histoire du temps présent du royaume de France et de l’Europe chrétienne entre 1605 et 1644. L’articulation d’une analyse de l’intégralité de la collection à l’étude de cas choisis dans le périodique pour leurs enjeux politiques est la méthode adoptée ici. Le croisement de sources internes et externes au Mercure François permet d’analyser la définition donnée au périodique par les acteurs, et, donc, de préciser leur conception de l’histoire. L’écriture de celle-ci est perçue comme un engagement politique et civique. La comparaison de la relation et de la publication d’événements politiques marquants par différents médias a permis de préciser le rôle déterminant des frères Richer, les imprimeurs-libraires du Mercure François, dans la fondation engagé de la collection. Il a également permis de noter les évolutions du Mercure François en fonction du contexte politique et de l’influence croissante des théories de la raison d’État. / This thesis is to study the Mercure Francois as a real history object. Often considered as an archaic form of the periodic political news media, this collection of twenty-five volumes printed and published periodically in Paris between 1611 and 1648, pursued in fact the goal of writing and publishing the present history of the kingdom of France and Christian Europe between 1605 and 1644. The joint analysis of the entire collection to the cases studied and chosen for the political issues at that time is the approach taken here. The crossing of internal and external sources to the Mercure François used to analyze the definition of the periodical by the actors, and, therefore, to clarify their definition of history. The writing of it was seen as a political and civic engagement. The comparison of the narration and the publication of important political events in various media has clarified the crucial role of Richer brothers, Mercure François’ printers and booksellers in the foundation engaged of the collection. It has also allowed to note changes in the Mercure François according to the political context and to the growing influence of the reason of State’s theories at the time.

Although the natural philosophy of Margaret Cavendish is eclectic and uncustomary, it offers an important critique of contemporary scientific methods, especially mechanism and experimentalism. As presented in Observations upon Experimental Philosophy and Blazing World, Cavendish's natural philosophy incorporates rationalistic and subjective elements, urging contemporary natural philosophers to recognize that pure objectivity is unattainable through any method of inquiry and that reason is essential in making sense and use of scientific observation. In addition to its scientific implications, Cavendish's three-tiered model of matter presents interesting sociopolitical associations. Through her own use of metaphor and her theoretical fusion of matter and motion, Cavendish confronts the masculinist metaphors and implications of mechanism. Through the dramatization of her model of matter in the narrative Blazing World, Cavendish exposes the theoretical failings of contemporary methods and legitimizes her alternative to pure experimentalism. By envisioning a new planet to place the utopia of Blazing World, Cavendish actively uses the rational functions of the mind, showing that reason and rational matter are above all else in natural philosophy. Although Cavendish's scientific theory in some ways promotes the participation of women in natural philosophy, it becomes complicated as she simultaneously reinforces her social biases and urges a traditional class system with a monarchical government. Cavendish actively separates the gender constraints in philosophical inquiry from the social limitations placed on the lower classes to promote herself and other aristocratic women in the pursuit of natural philosophy, urging that the rational realm, where all sexes are equal, should govern scientific investigation.

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The purpose of this project is to conduct and analysis of the role and symbolism of the trumpet in two early eighteenth century Spanish music dramas: La Guerra de los Gigantes by Sebastian Duron and Los Desagravios de Troya by Joaquin Martinez de la Roca.

This dissertation argues that early modern writers such as William Shakespeare, Thomas Middleton, George Herbert, John Milton, and Andrew Marvell played a critical role in the transition from the Neoplatonic philosophy of beauty to Enlightenment aesthetics. I demonstrate how the Protestant Reformation, with its special emphasis on the depravity of human nature, prompted writers to critique models of aesthetic judgment and experience that depended on high faith in human goodness and rationality. These writers in turn used their literary works to popularize skepticism about the human mind's ability to perceive and appreciate beauty accurately. In doing so, early modern writers helped create an intellectual culture in which aesthetics would emerge as a distinct branch of philosophy.

William III, Prince of Orange, ascended the throne of England after the English Glorious Revolution of 1688. The next year, the American colonists rebelled against colonial administrations in the name of their new king. This thesis examines William's perception of these rebellions and the impact his perception had on colonial structures following the Glorious Revolution. Identifying William's modus operandi—his habit of acceding to other's political choices for expediency until decisive action could be taken to assert his true agenda—elucidates his imperial ambitions through the context of his actions. William, an enigmatic and taciturn figure, rarely spoke his mind and therefore his actions must speak for him. By first establishing his pattern of behavior during his early career in the Netherlands and England, this project analyzes William's long-term ambitions to bring the Americas under his direct control following the 1689 rebellions and establish colonial administrations more in line with his vision of a centralized English empire.

This thesis examines 'improvement' of wetland commons in early modern England as a contested process of rapid environmental change. As a flagship project of agrarian improvement, drainage sought to alchemise pastoral fen commons into arable enclosed terra firma and promised manifold benefits for crown, commoners, and commonwealth alike. In practice, however, improvement schemes generated friction between the political and fiscal agendas of governors and projectors and local communities' customary ways of knowing and using wetland commons, provoking the most sustained and violent agrarian unrest of the seventeenth century. This thesis situates the first state-led drainage project in England, in the northern fens of Hatfield Level, in the context of the local politics of custom, national legal and political developments, and international movements of capital, expertise, and refugees; all of which intersected to reshape perceptions and management of English wetlands. Drawing on the analytic perspectives of environmental history, this thesis explores divergent ideas and practices generating conflict over the making of private property, reorganisation of flow, and reconfiguration of lived environments. This thesis argues that different 'environing' practices - both mental and material - distinguished what was seen as an ordered or disordered landscape, determined when and how water was understood as a resource or risk, and demarcated different scales and forms of intervention. Rival visions of the fenscape, ways of knowing land and water, and concepts of value and justice were productive of, and produced by, different practices of management, ownership, and use. Drainage disputes therefore crossed different spheres of discourse and action, spanning parliament, courtroom, and commons to bring improvement into dialogue with fen custom and generate a contentious environmental politics. In seven substantive chapters, this thesis investigates how improvement was imagined, legitimised, and enacted; how fen communities experienced and navigated rapid environmental transformation; and how political, social, and spatial boundaries were reforged in the process. By grounding improvement in the early modern fenscape, this thesis reintegrates agency into accounts of inexorable socio-economic change, illuminates ideas at work in social contexts, and deepens understandings of environmental conflict.

This study focuses on Bruegel's parodic legacy in the picaresque tradition. It is based, on the one hand, on visual rhetoric, visual parody, and the poetics of epideictic rhetoric; and, on the other, on the interaction between epideictic rhetoric's salient features and the Bruegelian themes of camivalisation, the satirising of human folly, and the ontic order of the World Upside Down topos as organising principles. The relationships between the above themes are chronologically traced in various disguises in pictures by representative picaresque artists from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries: i.e., in Bruegel, Steen, Hogarth, Daumier, and Grosz. Each of these picaresque artists battled with their own times, parodying the paradigmatic targets of the high mode, in both social and genre hierarchy, and in doing so revealed the complexities of the above themes at work within an ever changing context-bound rhetoricity. / Art History, Visual Arts & Musicology / Thesis (D.Litt. et Phil.)

La confrontation du théâtre et de la liturgie est un lieu commun de la pensée. Il est un motif rhétorique récurrent chez les pères de l’Église pour définir a contrario et par surenchère le bon ethos du chrétien à l’Église. Ce tour de pensée ecclésiastique, typique de la synthèse augustinienne de la rhétorique antique et du christianisme, n’est pas seulement un héritage livresque au XVIIe siècle. Il est particulièrement pertinent à la vue des enjeux auxquels est confrontée l’Église catholique : elle doit répondre aux accusations protestantes, qui traitaient la messe de farce ; le théâtre renouvelé de l’antique se rétablit grâce au soutien du pouvoir, se sédentarise et devient un divertissement régulier. Cette banalité nouvelle fait de la Comédie, aux yeux des augustiniens, le lieu d’une « représentation vive » et continuelle des passions du monde, particulièrement de l’amour et de l’honneur : le théâtre apparaît comme une liturgie inversée. Là où les pratiques de piété sont censées amoindrir les passions et nourrir la foi, le théâtre excite les passions et étouffe l’esprit de prière. La querelle de la moralité au théâtre montre non seulement une concurrence morale, mais aussi psychique et affective. Les deux représentations prétendent susciter la présence d’esprit et « toucher » le cœur, voire lui « imprimer des mouvements ». La messe est qualifiée de « représentation vive du sacrifice de la croix », pendant laquelle le fidèle doit se remémorer vivement le sacrifice christique et sa signification grâce à une lecture allégorique, et se l’appliquer à lui-même. Par la considération et l’accomplissement de cérémonies, par la vocalisation des psaumes, le fidèle est invité à produire des « actes » du cœur pour s’unir à Jésus-Christ. Ce rapport au texte comme trace à suivre, et ce rapport au corps et à la voix comme media pour s’auto-exciter, expliquent pourquoi les comédiens professionnels sont condamnés par les dévots : ils excitent en eux les passions contraires à l’Esprit saint, ils rappellent des sentiments qu’un pénitent ne pourrait pas se remémorer sans « horreur ». La « représentation » est alors conçue comme un effort de remémoration.Le rétablissement du théâtre à l’antique nécessitait un discours pour en éclairer les visées et en légitimer l’existence dans une société chrétienne et monarchique. Traduire la mimesis aristotélicienne par « représentation » plutôt que par « imitation » rendait le théâtre beaucoup plus proche de la liturgie et lui ajoutait les connotations de vue, de présence et de mémoire. Le débat entre plaire et instruire est un débat entre théâtre-divertissement et théâtre-cérémonie. Incomber au théâtre la fonction d’instruire, c’était le rapprocher d’une prédication et de la messe, car instruire, signifiait instruire chrétiennement. L’échec de sanctification du théâtre des années 1640 fit conclure à une incompatibilité du théâtre avec la folie et la modestie chrétienne, mais la possibilité d’une instruction civique par le théâtre émerge à la fin du siècle. Le théâtre participe de la construction d’une morale laïque. / The confrontation between liturgy and theater is a topos of the discourses which reveal deeply-rooted issues of representation in the seventeenth century. This commonplace had been a recurrent rhetorical device in the patristic sermons, where it emphasized the differences between Christianity and paganism. It is vigorously reactivated in seventeenth-century France as the Catholic Church faces its Calvinist critics, who accuse mass of being a comedy. Profane theater becomes a regular and professional kind of entertainment in the city and at the court, thanks to the protection of the royal power. This is why it is seen by Augustinians as a recurrent “lively representation” of the values of the world, such as love and honor, which are contradictory to the celestial Christian spirit. Treatises against Comedy written by Christian zealots reveal not only a moral, but also an emotional and psychological competition between liturgical practices and theater. Both “representations” try to force the presence of the mind and to touch, or even to print, the heart. The mass is then qualified as the “lively representation” of the Passion of the Christ, during which Catholic prayers must commemorate the mystery of divine sacrifice. By considering and acting out ceremonies, by vocalizing prayers, the believer is invited to produce certain acts of the heart and to unite with Christ, applying the Christ’s sacrifice to himself. Thus, the believer can be assimilated to an existential comedian on the divine stage : he actively involves his sensibility in the imitation of the great Christian model, by entering into the spirit of the psalms. This relationship to the text as a vestige to follow, this use of the voice and the body as mediums to excite devotion, explain the condemnation of the professional comedian by the Christian zealots (dévots). Indeed, the comedian is seen as someone who excites his own passions, playing a dangerous game with his heart and reminding himself of former worldly passions which can only lessen his faith.The reestablishment of theater questions the legitimacy, the definition and the goals of this art in a Christian society. Translating mimesis by “representation” and not “imitation” brought the theater closer to the liturgy. The discourses on theater in the 1620s and 1630s show that the authors tended to see a memorial, reiterative and visual dimension in theater that was not present in Aristotle. The debates finally conclude on the definition of theater as an honest form of entertainment rather than as a living form of instruction, namely because the latter was the responsibility of predication and mass. Saint Thomas could justify theater as a way of merely releasing the mind without interesting the heart or touching the soul ; at that time, indeed, instruction meant Christian instruction. In the 1640s, to please the devout Spanish queen Anne of Austria, several playwrights did attempt to call back the theater to its former institutional position by assimilating it with religious ceremony and creating sanctified tragedies. But this attempt failed for both poetic and political reasons. The disposition of the spectators in the city was not to be instructed. The theater was finally recognized as incompatible with Christian folly and modesty, but slowly participated in the formation of a secular morality in a new civic sphere.