abstract: The crime of human trafficking has received increased national attention over the past decade. However, the subject of human trafficking is rarely mentioned in criminal justice and criminology curricula in colleges and universities. This study discusses findings from a review of listed courses in 100 criminology and criminal justice bachelor degree programs in colleges and universities in the United States. Implications for further research, including examining criminal justice education programs outside of academe, are discussed. The author advocates adding courses on human trafficking in criminology and criminal justice curricula and makes recommendations for undergraduate criminology and criminal justice education. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Interdisciplinary Studies 2011

Human trafficking is the fastest growing and the third largest transnational crime. It is driven by the demand for commercial sexual services and cheap labour, and the ample supply of vulnerable people to exploit together with a prevailing system of impunity makes it a highly profitable crime. It imposes grave human rights violations upon its victims, and has devastating effects on society. A global agreement to combat human trafficking – the Palermo Protocol – was adopted by the United Nations in the year 2000. This global agreement provides a legal definition for human trafficking and requires states to take actions to prevent human trafficking, prosecute the perpetrators and protect the victims. Most states have joined this agreement and have made subsequent efforts to implement it. The Council of Europe has adopted a specific convention that even strengthens it. Despite the many efforts to combat human trafficking the number of victims continue to increase and the number of convictions remain low. Some scholars suggest it is because of the incomplete or lack of national implementations, while other scholars suggest the international legal framework is inadequate. The main purpose of this thesis is to examine whether the international legal framework is adequate to combat human trafficking, and to discuss strengthening options. It uses a classical analytical legal method that examines and analyses the most relevant international agreements. Conclusions are that the Palermo Protocol focuses mainly on prosecution, requires too little preventing and protecting measures, and has a weak compliance mechanism. Human rights treaties also address human trafficking but their weak compliance mechanisms make them ill equipped to compel states to act. To combat human trafficking, measures to prevent, prosecute and protect are all crucial, and such measures can probably best be enforced by strengthening all relevant legal areas (human rights law, labour law, migrant law, refugee law and humanitarian law) and engaging all parts of society.

Nous envisageons d’étudier l’histoire des populations indigènes du nord-ouest de l’Amazonie depuis le début du XVIIe siècle jusqu’au milieu du XVIIIe siècle. Plus exactement, notre objet d’étude concerne le rôle et l’évolution des chefferies indiennes dans le double contexte des relations interethniques et des entreprises coloniales européennes. Au cours de cette période, les grandes puissances européennes — France, Angleterre, Espagne, Portugal et Hollande — se sont employées à accroître leur domaine colonial en Amérique du Sud. C’est ainsi qu’on assiste, d’une part, dès le début de la conquête des terres américaines, à un processus de transfert dans les aires de colonisation des conflits politiques qui opposent les grandes puissances. D’autre part, les missionnaires portugais ont implanté systématiquement des villages de catéchèse au sein des populations indigènes pour ouvrir la voie à la colonisation portugaise et à une première urbanisation de la vallée de l’Amazone. Toutes ces interventions tirent parti des réseaux politiques indigènes et tiennent compte des hiérarchies internes et des positions de pouvoir autochtone qui existaient au moment de l’arrivée des Européens. Missions et expéditions militaires entraînèrent des guerres en faisant des chefferies indigènes des médiateurs préférentiels. / We decided to study the history of the indigenous populations of Northwestern Amazonia from the beginning of the XVIIth century till mid XVIIIth century. More precisely, we analyzed the role and the evolution of the Indian chiefdoms in the double context of interethnic relations and European colonial enterprises. During this period, the great European powers – France, England, Holland, Spain and Portugal – strove for increasing their colonial possessions in South America. That is why with the beginning of the conquest of American lands, on one side we can observe that political conflicts opposing the great powers in Europe are exported into the colonized areas. On the other side, Portuguese missionaries systematically developed catechizing villages among native populations in order to promote Portuguese colonization and a first urbanization of the Amazon Valley. All these interventions took advantage of political networks, inner hierarchies and power positions existing among native societies before the arrival of the Europeans. As a matter of fact, missions and military expeditions provoked continuous wars transforming Indian chiefdoms into preferential mediators.

abstract: Africa is misrepresented and mis-imaged in the western media. Because of this, notions and beliefs about atrocities that take place on the continent lack context, leaving people to think that Africa is a place of misery, darkness and despair; a monolithic land where evil resides. The image of Africa as the "heart of darkness" was conjured following the Joseph Conrad novel and the idea of Africa as the "Dark Continent" still pervades Western thought. This is an inadequate understanding of Africa, and lacks the context to comprehend why many of the atrocities in Africa occur. I will explore two atrocities in Africa, the 1994 Rwanda Genocide and child slavery on Lake Volta in Ghana. I believe that both these examples reflect how the label of evil is insufficient to describe the circumstances around each atrocity. In order to understand such events we must understand the part that colonialism and poverty play in the disruption of pan-African culture. The "evils" of these two phenomenon, are in many cases the result of the Western world's past involvement in Africa and are remnants and extensions of the disruption caused. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Social Justice and Human Rights 2011

Submitted by Maria Medeiros (maria.dilva1@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-08-08T11:21:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MARIA REGINA ALVES DOS REIS - DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGH) 2018.pdf: 2501478 bytes, checksum: 5dedfc4c025bf672942f792d7fcc9519 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T11:21:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MARIA REGINA ALVES DOS REIS - DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGH) 2018.pdf: 2501478 bytes, checksum: 5dedfc4c025bf672942f792d7fcc9519 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02 / Esta dissertação problematiza, por meio das narrativas de trabalhadores, o cotidiano do Engenho Buraco d‟Água na cidade de Alagoa Nova-PB, no período compreendido de (1918-1950). Nesse sentido, o objetivo é compreender como os trabalhadores do engenho construíram suas experiências de vida, luta e trabalho nessa localidade no pós-escravidão. Desse modo, analisei quais os sinais e indícios de permanências e descontinuidades de práticas escravistas eram trazidos à tona pela memória dessas mulheres. Neste estudo, dialogo com teóricos que trazem uma grande contribuição sobre Memória e História, como Bosi (1994) e Halbwachs (2006). Essa abordagem se insere nas concepções de práticas e representações de Chartier (1991) e Certeau (2007), com os conceitos de estratégias e táticas. Como abordagem metodológica, conto com a contribuição de Alberti (2005) sobre História Oral, na sua concepção de história de vida, para trabalhar com a memória de mulheres e homens que nasceram e viveram sua infância e juventude no Engenho Buraco d‟Água. Assim, procurei demonstrar, por meio do diálogo entre as fontes orais, escritas e fotográficas, as experiências de trabalhadoras do Engenho no pós-escravidão. Dessa forma, evidenciaram-se os rearranjos das relações, as alianças e negociações estabelecidas no cotidiano do Engenho entre os trabalhadores e o dono da propriedade para garantir trabalho e moradia. / This dissertation raises questions through workers narratives, the daily life in Engenho Buraco d‟Água in the city of Alagoa Nova – PB between 1918 and 1950. This way, the goal is to understand how these sugar mill workers built their life experiences, fight and work in this place in the post slavery period. Thus, it was analyzed which signals and indications of permanence and discontinuities of slave practices that the memory of these women brought to light. In this study, we dialogue with theorists who bring a big contribution about Memory and History, such as Bosi (1994) and Halbwachs (2006). Therefore, this approach fits in the practice and representation conceptions of Chartier (1991) and Certeau (2007) with strategy and tactics. As methodological approach, we could count with Alberti‟s (2005) contribution about Oral History, in her conception of life story, to work with the memory of women who were born and lived their childhood and youth in Engenho Buaco d‟Água. Thus, we tried to demonstrate through the dialogue between the oral, written and photographic sources; and the experiences of workers of the sugar mill in the post-slavery. Thus, it was evident the rearrangements of the relations, the alliances and negotiations established in the daily life of the sugar mill between the workers and the owner of the property to guarantee work and housing.

The concept of slavery in ancient Egypt is a debated issue, that has mostly focused upon the different uses of the phrasing and terminology of the different words for servitude. Without giving too much emphasis upon the different terminologies, this essay presents a summary of the state of slavery within the borders of Egypt during the New Kingdom. As different kinds of servitude existed in the country, the focus is upon the types of slaves who were the property of their master and could be bought and sold. The essay presents who the slave was and where he came from, as well as what kinds of duties the slave was used for. The process of acquisition is also covered, before finally discussing the rights of the slave as well as the means to become free of your bonds.

Em qualquer sociedade, o pertencimento familiar é definido, em parte, por sorte ou azar biológico e demográfico. Durante o escravismo, as determinações geradas por essa definição eram bastante significativas, afinal, os sujeitos nasciam ocupando categorias jurídicas e sociais impostas pelo ventre ou pelo sangüe - e nascer ou possuir um passado escravo tinha implicações para além da vivência estritamente privada das pessoas. Por outro lado, também existiram vias mais ou menos formalizadas através das quais os homens e as mulheres puderam exercer um grau maior de eleição. Por meio do casamento e do apadrinhamento originaram-se laços familiares que uniram membros de estratos sociais bastante diversificados. Em outras palavras, a família se constitui em um fenônemo social e a maneira pela qual se constróem e como se configuram esses arranjos resultam na possibilidade de mobilidade ascendente ou descentende dos sujeitos. Esse estudo se baseou nos pressupostos acima descritos para a investigação das famílias de escravos na Freguesia de Nossa Senhora do Rosário de Rio Pardo, entre 1845 a 1865. A principal documentação utilizada foram os registros de casamentos e batismos de escravos da Freguesia, com a finalidade de identificar regularidades que revelassem os significados das relações familiares para os senhores e suas escravarias. A região de Rio Pardo possuía relações escravistas bastante maduras, pois contava com essa mão-deobra desde a colonização portuguesa, no século XVIII. Tradicionalmente, ali foram incentivadas a formação de laços parentais entre os cativos, possivelmente por tratar-se de uma região fronteiriça e que demandava trabalho de grande mobilidade, a lida campeira. Para o período pesquisado percebe-se a transformação desse panorama, quando constata-se a restrição as uniões oficializadas entre escravos. Em contrapartida, permanece a possibilidade de ampliação das relações sociais através da cerimônia de batismo. / In any society, the family memberships are defined, on the one hand, by luck or unluck in the biological and demographical circumstances. During slavery, this definition was very important, after all, the subjects were born occupying a legal and a social categories imposed by the blood - and born slave or have a slave past had implications for their social life. On the other hand, there were also less formal means through which men and woman were able to exercise a degree of choice. The ties of marriage and spiritual relationship linked members of diverse stratification social, meaning the family is a social phenomenon and its structures may affect the social mobility. This research has a proposal to investigate slave families in the Freguesia Nossa Senhora do Rosário de Rio Pardo, from 1845 to 1865. The documentary base was composed of records of marriages and baptisms of captives, in order to identify patterns that reveal the meanings of family owners and their slaves. The institution of slavery in the region de Rio Pardo goes back to the beginning of Portuguese colonization in the eighteenth century. Traditionally, the slavery owners there encouraged the formation of parental bonds among the captives, possibly because it is a frontier region and work that demanded great mobility, the ranching. In the second half of the nineteenth century, one sees the transformation of this landscape as decrease the number of marriages between slaves. In contrast, there remains the possibility of expanding the social relations through the ceremony of baptism.

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como o acesso desigual ao poder político no Brasil afetou a distribuição de recursos econômicos para diferentes grupos sociais. A partir da Lei de Terras e do fim do tráfico de escravos, em 1850, até o término da chamada primeira globalização, em 1914, imigrantes europeus e a população negra foram o centro do debate sobre quem seriam os trabalhadores brasileiros. Como instituições políticas afetam a distribuição de recursos econômicos, este trabalho busca identificar, através da Nova Economia Institucional, quais grupos foram beneficiados ou prejudicados pela estrutura institucional brasileira. A evidência qualitativa demonstra que o governo brasileiro teve um importante papel na discriminação de grupos sociais, limitando acesso a direitos políticos e oportunidades econômicas. A evidência quantitativa demonstra que instituições econômicas tiveram um impacto de longo prazo na disparidade de renda no Brasil que perdurou ao longo do século XX. / The objective of this dissertation is to analyze how an unequal access to political power affected the distribution of economic resources to different social groups. From the land law and the end of slave trade, in 1850, until the conclusion of the first globalization, in 1914, European immigrants and the black population were at the center of the debate regarding who would be the Brazilian workforce. As political institutions impacts economic resources’ distribution, this work aims to identify, using the New Institutions Economics, which groups had advantages and disadvantages regarding the Brazilian’s institutional structure. Qualitative evidence demonstrates that Brazilian government had an important role on the discrimination of social groups, limiting access to political rights and economic opportunities. Quantitative evidence shows that economic institutions had a long run impact on Brazilian income inequality that persisted through the 20th century.

A presente dissertação focaliza os fundamentos da escravidão presentes na realidade brasileira, considerando os ideais liberais do projeto político de construção do Estado Nacional e a visão de políticos e intelectuais envolvidos no processo de discussão do escravismo, tendo o 1º Império (1822-1831) como um dos seus marcos temporais. Na atualização do tema o estudo aborda a questão dos afrodescendentes no Brasil Contemporâneo (2002-2006), visando a compreensão das políticas públicas de discriminação positiva: as cotas, cujo objetivo é constituir gradativamente a inclusão de negros e pardos em diferentes instâncias sociais; entre elas, as universidades públicas. Para tal, analisam-se as antíteses das propostas, discursos e práxis políticas, a partir da fundamentação teórica sobre liberalismo e escravidão, e de temas correlatos como “estado” e “liberdade”, enquanto dimensões constitutivas da vida política no despontar da sociedade moderna. Isso é feito pela ótica da Ciência Política e de forma complementar da Filosofia e da História Social do país. Para a realização do trabalho nos baseamos no método dialético, cujo suporte é a negação de uma realidade tida como estática. Tal procedimento nos permitiu trabalhar com as contradições ou antinomias sociais, através de bibliografias, artigos e pesquisas on-line. A partir desse material investigamos questões referentes às práticas atuais de racismo que desvendam o dilema da exclusão social e da ineficácia das políticas públicas de atendimento aos pobres e, de forma mais intensa, aos afrodescendentes. Também examinamos atividades de atendimento e assistência destinadas aos alunos cotistas nas universidades públicas que já aderiram o projeto de cotas raciais. Por meio da Ciência Política analisamos e problematizamos parte das categorias mediativas do processo de exclusão do negro que remontam ao Brasil-Colônia e se mantém até atualidade enquanto fato político, uma vez que a abolição não foi acompanhada de políticas públicas constituintes de cidadania afrodescendente. Assim, encontramos marcos importantes onde a negação sistemática do racismo contrasta com a sua existência velada, pautada pelo falso conceito de democracia racial. Experiência capaz de reproduzir uma realidade perversa nivelada apenas pelo conteúdo, mas sem consistência nas relações concretas nas quais, cotidianamente, os afrodescendentes são excluídos pela cor da pele. Por conseqüência, trata-se de necessidades que revelam e fundamentam a urgência da implantação de políticas de cotas em nível nacional. / This dissertation focuses on the basis of slavery present in Brazilian reality, considering the liberal ideals of the political project of the building of the National State and the vision of politicians and intellectuals involved the process of discussing slavery, having the First Empire (1822-1831) as the temporal landmark. In the development of this theme, this study addresses the issue of afro descendants in Contemporary Brazil (2002-2006) aiming the understanding of public politics of positive discrimination: the quotas, which attempts to gradually increase the number of afro-descendants, included in different social instances, among them, public universities. Thus, the antithesis of the proposals, speeches and political praxis will be analyzed from the theoretical framework of liberalism and slavery, as well as of correlate themes like “state” and “freedom”, while constituent dimensions of political life arise for modern society. This analysis is performed from the perspective of Political Science and of the Philosophy and Social History of the country as well. This research was based on the dialectic method which is the denial of a static reality. Such a procedure allowed us to work with the social contradictions or antinomies thorough bibliography, papers and on-line researches. From this material we investigated questions referring to actual practices of racism which reveal the dilemma of social exclusion and of the inefficacy of public politics serving the poor and more specifically to afro-descendants. We also examined services and assistance designated to “students selected by quota” of public universities that have already agreed to the project of racial quotas. Using Political Science we evaluated some of the categories that mediate the process of exclusion of the afro-descendants that date from the “Brazilian-Colonial” period and continue to the present as a political issue, since the abolition of slavery has not been accompanied by the success of public politics in creating afro- descendants as citizens. Thus, we find important indications where the systematic denial of racism contrasts with its evident existence, marked by the false concept of racial democracy. Experiences capable of reproducing a perverse reality, mediated only by the theoretical content of law, but with no consistency for the concrete relations in which, daily, the afro- descendants are excluded based on the color of their skin. Consequently, there are needs that reveal and underlie the urgency for the emergence of quota politics on the national level.

Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-22T19:24:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Pedro Trindadeseg.pdf: 764019 bytes, checksum: d0d4d6253edbed113484836a677af45b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-11T17:16:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Pedro Trindadeseg.pdf: 764019 bytes, checksum: d0d4d6253edbed113484836a677af45b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-11T17:16:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Pedro Trindadeseg.pdf: 764019 bytes, checksum: d0d4d6253edbed113484836a677af45b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de estudar a presença e a movimentação dos africanos do grupo banto, de nação angola, no século XIX, na cidade de salvador no período de 1800 a 1864. Discutimos os rituais de sepultamento de africanos angolas através dos registros de óbitos, alem de fazermos um estudo demográfico referente a essa nação nas freguesias da Sé, Conceição da Praia e Santo Antônio Além do Carmo. Buscamos também, através dos anúncios de jornal, fazer um levantamento das fugas. Além de interpretar as estratégias de resistência e as imagens identitárias desses africanos na visão senhorial. Finalmente destaco a trajetória dos africanos livres, de nação angola traficados após o ano de 1831, o que era proibido por lei. / Salvador