Research on sex discrimination has found consistent support for the idea that women who violate gender roles by succeeding in male-dominated domains elicit hot forms of discrimination. In particular, evidence suggests that a perceivers' conservatism, which represents a preference against gender change toward greater equality, might motivate this kind of discrimination. Therefore, I hypothesized that perceiver conservatism would predict discrimination against female gender role violators. In two studies, I found evidence that conservatism predicts negative evaluations of targets (Study 1), as well as sabotage (Study 2). In addition, Study 2 revealed that the relationship between conservatism and sabotage was partially mediated by the perceivers' anxiety. However, if the discrimination that conservative perceivers direct at gender role violators is motivated by conservatives' preference against social change toward greater equality, then targets who support gender status hierarchies while they violate gender roles should experience less discrimination from conservative perceivers than those who challenge status hierarchies. Consistent with this reasoning, perceivers' conservatism was negatively related to perceived interpersonal hostility of female gender role violators who expressed support for gender hierarchy. In contrast, perceivers' conservatism was positively related to perceived interpersonal hostility of female gender role violators who expressed opposition to gender hierarchy (Study 1). However, targets' expressions of support for gender hierarchy did not have this effect on the relationship between perceivers' conservatism and perceptions of the target's ineffectuality (Study 1), respect for the target (Study 1), or sabotage of the target (Study 2). Moreover, while supporting status hierarchies reduced perceptions of interpersonal hostility from perceivers high in conservatism, it increased perceptions of hostility from those low in conservatism. Thus, supporting gender hierarchies may appear to help in some contexts, but is associated with significant costs, as well. The implications of these findings for theory and practice are discussed.

Research on sex discrimination has found consistent support for the idea that women who violate gender roles by succeeding in male-dominated domains elicit hot forms of discrimination. In particular, evidence suggests that a perceivers' conservatism, which represents a preference against gender change toward greater equality, might motivate this kind of discrimination. Therefore, I hypothesized that perceiver conservatism would predict discrimination against female gender role violators. In two studies, I found evidence that conservatism predicts negative evaluations of targets (Study 1), as well as sabotage (Study 2). In addition, Study 2 revealed that the relationship between conservatism and sabotage was partially mediated by the perceivers' anxiety. However, if the discrimination that conservative perceivers direct at gender role violators is motivated by conservatives' preference against social change toward greater equality, then targets who support gender status hierarchies while they violate gender roles should experience less discrimination from conservative perceivers than those who challenge status hierarchies. Consistent with this reasoning, perceivers' conservatism was negatively related to perceived interpersonal hostility of female gender role violators who expressed support for gender hierarchy. In contrast, perceivers' conservatism was positively related to perceived interpersonal hostility of female gender role violators who expressed opposition to gender hierarchy (Study 1). However, targets' expressions of support for gender hierarchy did not have this effect on the relationship between perceivers' conservatism and perceptions of the target's ineffectuality (Study 1), respect for the target (Study 1), or sabotage of the target (Study 2). Moreover, while supporting status hierarchies reduced perceptions of interpersonal hostility from perceivers high in conservatism, it increased perceptions of hostility from those low in conservatism. Thus, supporting gender hierarchies may appear to help in some contexts, but is associated with significant costs, as well. The implications of these findings for theory and practice are discussed.

The aim of this paper is to study generational differences in social conservatism. The research centered around three questions. Firstly, have levels of political social conservatism increased in the youngest generation as compared to previous. Secondly, does the presidential era a person was brought up in, explain differing levels of social conservatism. And lastly, does the results in the previous questions change when you look within the sub-group of subjects who self-identify as being conservative. To answer these questions, this study will analyse responses to question meant to operationalize social conservatism found in the General Societal Survey(GSS). And compare responses between generational birth-cohorts socialised under different presidents. Generally the results showed a decline in levels of social conservatism between generations and the youngest generation was no exception. The role of a presidential era in determining levels of social conservatism was practically non-existent. The results from questions one and two did not seem to change when looking within the subgroup of self-identifying conservatives.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the evidences of Conrad's conservative tastes and beliefs as indicated by his way of life and his associations, and to show, further, that this conservatism is revealed directly and indirectly in his stories and novels.

The political party Sweden democrats became Sweden’s third largest party in 2014 after entering the Swedish parliament back in 2010 for the first time. During this time discussions about the party background and ideology have increased both from other parties and in the society. The controversy surrounding the party can partly be traced back to its foundation and the period before the party entered the national parliament in 2010. Sweden democrats was founded in 1988 by the remains of two right wing extremist movements, today the party has distanced itself from Nazism and calls itself a social conservative party. According to studies Sweden democrat’s ideology is considered as right-wing radical populism. This difference of identification is a problem, because it creates questions why it exists. Are the Sweden democrats really a social conservative party or is the party rendering a false image, and why. In this essay I will use ideal types of the two ideologies social conservative and Right-wing radical populism to evaluate which ideal type can describe the ideology in the party materials of the Swedish democrats most adequate. Additionally this essay will compare the ideal types to see how different the two ideologies are. The analysis and conclusion shows that the two ideologies differs from each other, but they share a few aspects. The evaluation of Sweden democrats party material does show that the party shares the fundamental value of right-wing radical populism and contains attributes from that theory, including etno-nationalism and etno-pluralism. The essays conclusion is therefore that Sweden democrats appears to be a right-wing radical populist party. That creates a question for future research, why the party identify itself as a social conservative party.

Throughout the years there has been rise to extensive debate in the media and in the research world about the Swedish Democrats being labeled as a populist radical right-winged party or even leaning towards a centrist position with authoritarian values. With a general election coming up soon this year the aim of this study is with the help of a two-dimensional approach, combining the traditional left/right dimension and the GAL-TAL dimension, to find out where the SD place themselves on the political spectrum. The left/right dimension focuses on socioeconomic interests – the relationship between the state and the market while GAL-TAN considers socio-cultural issues such as independence and the degree of individual freedom. By conducting a qualitative content analysis and an ideal-type analysis in this study, several statements from the party's manifestos from the year 2010, 2014 and 2018 have been analyzed to find out where the party can be placed on the political spectrum. The study shows that the SD can be placed on the two-dimensional scale, where the party combines elements of TAN, some libertarian elements (GAL), where SD positions itself as a centrist-right party in some issues of the economic dimension. In addition, results show that social conservatism has been a prominent ideology in the SD:s manifestos over the years. / <p>2018-06-07.</p>

The subject of this diploma thesis is to examine and compare the ideological and programmatic definition of Fidesz and PiS, their development in time and their current actions and policy-making since forming their single-party governments in 2010 in Hungary and 2015 in Poland, respectively. This work also focuses on the development in both countries during the transformation from communism towards democracy, and sets out to answer what preconditions have formed the demand for populist radical right ideology both in Hungary and Poland. Based on the theory of populist radical right framework, this thesis concludes that, in addition to the negative aspects of political and economic transformation, historical narratives and prejudices against minorities by a significant part of the Hungarian and Polish societies have also played a crucial role in creating a climate for demand for the populist radical right. In the third chapter, this thesis finds a high volatility in the ideological development of both parties, especially in regards to Fidesz, and attributes these considerable ideological and programmatic changes in part to reaction of Fidesz and PiS towards changes in the party system in both Hungary and Poland. However, since 2006 the ideology of both parties has become increasingly consistent with...

Denna uppsats undersöker Sverigedemokraternas kvinnoförbund SD-Kvinnor och hur förbundet ser på jämställdhet. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur ett kvinnoförbund på högerkanten formeras och att analysera denna formering utifrån ett genusperspektiv. Utgångspunkten har varit att svara på huruvida SD-Kvinnor representerades i SD-Kuriren under 2010–2012, vilka föreställningar som genomsyrar SD-Kvinnor och deras idéer om jämställdhet samt vilka politiska ämnen som diskuteras i kvinnoförbundets podcast ”Snedsteg” och vilka idéer och föreställningar dessa ämnen laddas med. Det teoretiska förhållningssättet är genusbaserad. Metoden utgörs av en kvalitativ textanalys där såväl fysiskt som digitalt material används. SD-Kvinnors idéer om jämställdhet bygger på konservativa grunddrag. De föreställningar som genomsyrar SD-Kvinnors idéer om jämställdhet är att de vill att den enskilda familjen har rätt till självbestämmande och att detta skall respekteras. Kvoteringsfrågan är SD-Kvinnor starkt kritiska till då de menar att jämställdhetspolitik handlar om att lösa problem som är ojämna hellre än att fördela lika mellan könen. Den övervägande politiska människosyn som kvinnoförbundet har handlar i hög grad om att bejaka de biologiska skillnaderna mellan könen. I SD-Kuriren är det tydligt att kvinnor är underrepresenterade i medlemstidningen under den period som undersöks. SD-Kvinnor presenteras på ett visst sätt i medlemstidningen,och gärna separat från det övriga innehållet i medlemstidningen. En slags idealbild av SD-Kvinnan skrivs fram där den socialkonservativa idén om idealkvinnan konstrueras. De politiska ämnen som diskuteras i podcasten Snedsteg är hämtade direkt från Sverigedemokraternas politik där endast sverigedemokrater är inbjudna. De ämnen som diskuteras är breda samhällsfrågor i form av brottslighet, invandring, hedersfrågor, den egna utanförskapen samt vårdfrågor. Dessa laddas med idén om Sverige som ett otryggt samhälle i förfall. Den här uppsatsen visar även att SD-Kvinnor inte nämns i SD-Kuriren förrän i juni 2011 trots att kvinnoförbundet funnits sedan oktober 2010. / This paper explores the women’s union called SD-Women of the political party Sweden Democrats and where they stand in terms of gender equality. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how a women’s union in the far right is formed and analyze this from a gender perspective. The basis has been to find out whether SD-Women are represented in their newspaper SD-Kuriren during 2010-2012, which type of concepts are raised by SD-Women and their ideas regarding gender equality, and lastly also which political topics are discussed in SD-Women’s podcast “Snedsteg” and the notions and concepts these topics are saturated by. The theoretical approach is based on gender and the method constitutes of a qualitative textual analysis where both physical and digital material is used.SD-Women’s ideas in terms of gender equality are based on a conservative essence. The concept that saturates SD-Women’s ideas regarding gender equality is that every individual family should be allowed to govern itself without outside influence and this is something that should be respected. The subject of electoral quotas is strongly criticized by SD-Women as they imply that gender equality politics should revolve around solving inequality problems rather than dividing equally amongst the genders. The predominant political views of SD-Women in terms of mankind is to affirm the biological differences between genders. In SD-Kuriren it’s clear that women are less represented during the period that is analyzed. SD-Women is presented in a very specific way in SD-Kuriren, and often separated from the other contents of the newspaper. A type of ideal image of a Sweden Democrat women is offered where the social conservative idea of an ideal woman is constructed.The political topics that are discussed in the podcast Snedsteg are directly imported from the politics of Sweden Democrats themselves where only other Sweden Democrats are invited to the podcast. The discussed topics are often the larger societal issues like crime, immigration, family honor, health care and also the Sweden Democrats own alienation. These topics are saturated with the idea of Sweden being an insecure society under decay. This paper will also shed a light on the fact that SD-Women is not mentioned at all in SD-Kuriren until June 2011, even though they were in existence since October 2010.

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The thesis is a contribution to the analysis of media representation through the use of critical discourse analysis of twelve English written articles by Russian and international media sources. The articles were chosen in relation to the unauthorised Pussy Riot protest in the Cathedral in Moscow back in February 2012, and the societal changes that have taken place thereafter. The analysed articles have been written and published between February 2012 and January 2014. The aim with the study is to see how media sources from different geographical backgrounds described the same events and news.