This essay intended to examine gender equality policies of four parliamentary parties in Sweden. The parties selected for this thesis were the Left Party, the Social Democrats, the Liberals and the Sweden Democrats. This thesis aim was to study the parties’ election manifestos, party programs and debates in order to compare the parties’ gender equality policies with each other through a qualitative idea analysis. The investigation is centered around three equality issues which are honour-related violence and oppression, economic inequality and men's violence against women. The results presented that the parties have different views on both what equality is and what measures need to be taken to achieve equality. The Left Party and the Social Democrats focused on demolishing patriarchal power structures and working preventively. The Liberals rather emphasized individual over the group and punishing crimes. The Sweden Democrats, in turn, argued that there were no widespread patriarchal power structures in society and that a large factor in violence against women came from excess immigration and increased punishments rather than preventing crime. The survey shows that the politics of all parties are not characterized by gender equality. Rather, the parties' gender equality policy is characterized by the party's other policies.

The subject of this bachelor thesis in political science has been the drivingfactors behind crime. More specifically how Sweden’s two leading politicalparties (The Social democratic party & the Moderate Party) portrayed thecauses of crime in their public communication during the election campaignof 2022. To study this subject a WPR or what’s the problem represented tobe analysis method has been used. To better the study’s validity andreliability three models of explaining what causes crime have been used tocompare with the two parties’ public communication.Trough the use of this method the study has found that the Moderate party’spublic communication in mainly in line with an economic way of explainingthe causes of crime, whereas the Social democratic party’s publiccommunication mainly falls in line with a sociological way of explaining thecauses of crime.

Crisis management as a concept is newly arrived in Sweden but well researched in other parts of the world. Sweden in recent years has been affected by everything from forest fires to a terrorist attack and now a pandemic. During the ongoing pandemic both crisis management and risk management has undergone a major change in the eyes of the Swedish population. The pandemic has shown an unreliable crisis management from politicians and their parties.  This study therefore aims to explore the ideologies behind the two biggest parties, the moderates and their ideology liberal conservatism and the social democrats and their ideology democratic socialism. The purpose is to find out how the ideologies affect the crisis management policy. The case study is limited to liberal conservatism and democratic socialism with the respective party, the social democrats and the moderates. Throughout the analysis of the parties crisis management policy and its connection to the ideologies the results showed that crisis management is highly affected by the different parties ideologies.

This subject of interest in this paper is the ideas expressed and formulated in the making andinauguration of the Branting-monument at Norra Bantorget in Stockholm. The initiative for a monument honoring the late Social Democratic leader Hjalmar Brantingwas taken at the Swedish Social Democratic Party Congress in 1928. In 1935 the party board decided to give the task of designing the monument to the much renowned artist Carl Eldh. A national fund-raising campaign for the monument was also initiated. In1942 the model of the monument was completed, but because of the war it was stored in a shelter. On June 2, 1952 the monument was inaugurated with great ceremony. Old working movement songs and anthems were played and sung and speeches were made by the Prime Minister Tage Erlander, Stockholm City Council President Carl Albert Andersson, and three foreign guests: Salomon Grumbach, Camille Huysmans and Paul LöbeIn the Social Democratic daily press reporting on the inauguration and in the speeches from the inauguration one can track several important recurring themes. It is clear that they were eager to define Branting as a prudent reformist and anti-communist. It also points out that both Branting was a big Swede that the whole nation stood behind, but also a great European and internationalist. But it also adds time to let different people describe Branting on a personal level, thus both strengthening the heroic image of Branting and making the image of Branting more personal. Even liberal newspapers adopted much of this rhetoric. The only newspaper that in the true sense took a fairly critical stance in relationship to the inauguration was the communist Ny Dag.

The Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are two parties with different ideological background. The parties have different opinions in issues of public and private matters. The Social Democratic Party profiles it self, through the local and national party programs, as a party for solidarity and security. The Moderate Party, on the other hand, profiles it self through their programmes as a party with a possibility for the individual to shape his or her own life. Through a survey on members in the local government, and two key persons at national level, the view of municipal self-government has appeared. The party programmes constitute a platform for the parties´ views on municipal self-government. These views have been put together with the result of the survey. Urban Strandberg has designed an analysis frame related to municipal self-government. His concept, municipalities’ basic character, board of directors and administration, is the theoretical foundation of the thesis. The content of the Party programmes and the results of the survey are thendiscussed within the frame of Strandbergs concept and Demokratiutredningens rapport SOU 2000:1. From the collective perspective of the theory, the content of party programmes and the result of the survey an image of the parties’ views on municipal self-government starts to grow. Within each party respectively, they keep a common strategy in important issues, which the local governments and the parties’ basic characters have raised. There are dividing lines due to the administration of the municipalities. Civic participation unites the parties in ideological issues. The opinions, in the issue of municipal self-government, differs between the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party. The reason for that is because of their fundamental different views in the fields of social order and ideology, as it is described in the party programmes. In reality when the parties shape the politics they cannot profile themselves as much as in the"vision"in their party programmes. The parties have to find a middle course, which is reflected in the answers from some of the respondents.

Abstract   The purpose of this essay is to compare the integration policy between Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Sverigedemokraterna with focus on labor-market integration, housing segregation and language knowledge. The international immigration has in recent years increased significantly and this has also enriched the receiving countries and still the numbers of extreme right parties have increased. In Sweden a racist populist party, Sverigedemokraterna, are only a few steps away from entering the parliament.   The question in focus is: What differences or similarities are there between the integration politics between Moderaterna, Socialdemokraterna and Sverigedemokraterna with focus on the areas housing, work and language?   By applying the theoretical framework to the data, I have been able to present answers and build up an analysis. The study concludes that there are more similarities than differences in the integration policy between Moderaterna and Socialdemokraterna. Sverigedemokraterna on the other hand have very radical integration politics in comparison to the two other parties.

In this study I examine the decisions to sign and later terminate the so called Saudi agreement, a military memorandum of understanding (MoU) between Sweden and Saudi Arabia, understood as a gateway agreement for future arms deals as well as exchange of defense technology knowledge. Comparing statements from the Social Democratic Party (SAP), who held government both in 2005 when the agreement was signed as well as in 2015 when it was terminated unilaterally by Sweden, I examine the ideological preferences of Swedish foreign policy. Could the shift in policy be explained by ideology?

In 2005 the Swedish social democratic government settled a defense treaty with Saudi Arabia. Ten years later, a new Social democratic government ends the treaty. This thesis will study the Social democratic party’s motives behind their actions regarding the treaty. Kjell Goldmanns theory regarding the three fields of interest concerning state’s foreign policy, security policy, economy and international values, will serve as the theory and operationalization of this thesis. The thesis will operate an analysis of motives to study the main motives of the party’s actions during four events. After examining the actions of the Social democrats in media and the parliament, the thesis found that the party had changed their main motives between 2005 and 2015. Their main motives in 2005 were economical and in 2015 were their main motives international values, which reaches the conclusion that the Social democrats have changed their motives regarding the treaty.

The economic policy of the Swedish Social Democrats has undergone major changes during the last thirty years. From using a so-called Keynesian policy to promote full employment in the economy, the Social Democrats have switched to a more monetaristic policy to promote low inflation instead. What I intend to do with this study is to see if the policy change also can be noticed in how the party describe their own policy. Have the Social Democrats been open and transparent with their change in priorities, or have they tried to hide this in their rhetoric? The purpose of this thesis is to examine if one can notice a change from a Keynesian to a monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy. The main research question, which I intend to answer, is: "Is it possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy?" I have chosen to study the descriptions found in the financial forecasts, presented by the Social Democrats during their time in government rule between 1970 and 1999. The research method I use is the qualitative text analysis. After analyzing the descriptions found in the financial forecasts I present an answer to the main research question: Yes, it is partly possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy. I only say partly possible because it is possible to notice the policy change that took place between the 1970s and 1980s, when low inflation was given the same priority as low unemployment. Whereas it is not possible to notice the change that took place between the 1980s and 1990s, when low inflation was given the highest priority, above low unemployment.

Sverigedemokraterna har på kort tid blivit jämförbara med Socialdemokraterna vad gäller stöd från arbetarväljare. Tidigare har inget parti bestående kunnat utmana Socialdemokraterna som arbetarnas parti. En orsak är att Sverigedemokraternas politik har stöd bland många arbetarväljare. En annan förklaring kan vara att partiets företrädare har arbetarbakgrund, vilket denna uppsats visar. Deskriptiv social representation mäter överensstämmelsen mellan  partiföreträdares sociala bakgrund och partisympatisörers sociala bakgrund. Frågeställningen lyder, hur deskriptivt representativa i socio-ekonomiskt avseende är Sverigedemokraterna och Socialdemokraterna för sina väljare? Det första syftet är att ge en beskrivande analys av Sverigedemokraternas och Socialdemokraternas företrädare i riksdagen efter år 2018 och deras sociala bakgrund. Det andra syftet är att undersöka väljares sociala representation genom en beskrivande analys av partisympatisörers sociala bakgrundsprofil. Bakgrundsvariabler som undersökts bland partiföreträdarna och väljarkåren är kön, utbildning, och yrke. Den deskriptiva sociala representation som undersöks i Sverigedemokraterna och Socialdemokraterna fokuserar på frågan om klass i första hand. Uppsatsens resultat visar att Sverigedemokraternas riksdagsgrupp i själva verkat har en högre andel arbetare och en högre andel icke-akademiker än Socialdemokraterna bland företrädarna. Utöver att Sverigedemokraterna blivit mer likvärdiga Socialdemokraterna vad gäller arbetarväljare har  Sverigedemokraterna dessutom gått om Socialdemokraterna i termer av arbetarföreträdare. Uppsatsens resultat visar också att Sverigedemokraterna har en högre överrepresentation bland arbetarväljare än Socialdemokraterna.