Denna studie undersöker de tre mest etablerade partierna i Sverige och deras användning av Twitter ur ett retoriskt perspektiv. Twitter används numer frekvent av politiker och kan ses som en slagkraftig informationskanal för framstående personer i maktposition. Studien avser att söka förståelse för hur politiska partier argumenterar för sin egen politiska agenda med utgångspunkt i kritisk retorik och topikanalys. Det teoretiska ramverket för uppsatsen är baserat på en modern förståelse av begreppet topik och genom att undersöka ett antal inlägg inom en viss tidsram söker uppsatsen kartlägga vilka topiker partierna utgår från i sin argumentation. Resultatet visar hur partierna anlägger olika strategier för sina tweets genom de inferentiella och kognitiva topiker de väljer för att föra fram sitt budskap och söka stöd för sin agenda.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate whether there has been a divergence between the aims of LO and the Social Democratic Party in Sweden during the period 1994–2018. This study also has the purpose of investigating whether this has affected which party the members of LO will vote for in the Swedish elections. The hypothesis of this study is that there has been a divergence between LO and the Social Democratic Party and that the aims differ more in 2018 than they did back in 1994. This is a qualitative text analysis with the purpose of both being descriptive and explanatory. This study is scientifically relevant as it highlights the role of ideology in Swedish politics and how this can affect voter support. It is also interesting for people who are not researchers since this affects Swedish politics and therefore everyone who lives in Sweden. This study shows that there has been a noticeable divergence between the aims of LO and the Social Democratic party in Sweden during the period of 1994–2018. Back in the 1970:s there was also a divergence between the aims of LO and the Social Democratic Party. During the 1970:s, the members of LO to a lesser extent voted for the Social Democratic Party which supports the hypothesis of this study. The hypothesis was correct but the noticeable divergence was not the divergence that was expected since the study showed that LO more and more had switched focus from broad policy areas to labour policy. The answer to the question whether this divergence probably has affected which party the members of LO will vote for or not, is yes. It is very probable that the divergence between LO and the Social Democratic Party has affected which party the members of LO will vote for.

Election promises and their fulfillment are subjects that have been studied quiete extensively within the academics, this thesis seeks to investigate how the promises given by the red-green block in Sweden during the mandate periods of 2014-2018 and 2018-2022 have or have not been fulfilled. The theoretical basis used in this thesis is that of Rational choice with Gunnar Sjöbloms three arenas that parties engage in and that of the responsible party model. In this study the method used is a theory consuming one, this type of method uses multiple theories on the same case and investigates how well each of them can explain the phenomena. The promises were taken from each of the parties manifestos from each mandate period and following this some were left out since they could not be fulfilled with national level policies. The results of the study showed that mandate period 1 followed previous results and studies quite well whilst mandate period 2 results differed from previous results. A number of factors could help explain this vast difference and with these variables accounted for the results became more in line with previous studies results. The study showed that for the most part parties do keep most of their promises to some degree but how these studies also must be conducted on a case by case basis to achieve the best results.

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The aim of this study was to describe, analyze, and compare the Social Democratic Party’s, the Moderate Party’s and the Sweden Democratic Party’s integration policy’s and their change in the 21st century. The study was conducted with a qualitative text analysis focusing on content analysis of the parties’ policy documents. In order to investigate changes in the parties’ integrations policy, Marie Demker’s ideological analysis methodology was used. Through the ideology analysis, the parties reality image, strategy and utopia, regarding the integration policy appeared. The theorethical basis of the essay is based on the concepts of assimilation, integration and diversity. The final result shows that the parties integration policies has changed, but surpricingly little. All parties have a similar process of change, where the reality image and the utopia were almost the same, while the strategy has gone from general measures to concrete measures. The result also shows that the Social Democrats and the Moderates integration policies have many similarities, while the Sweden Democrats integration policy is different.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the use of the concept utanförskap in the parliamentary debate focusing on the three largest parties socialdemokraterna, moderaterna and sverigedemokraterna. This study finds itself in the context after the refugee crisis of 2015 and in times where the values we thought where everlasting are being questioned. Where political tension in the fields of immigration and integration reach their highest level of political conflict and where immigration policy reaches its highest-level om importance during the 2018 election campaign. Immigration and integration are attached to the concept of utanförskap as the concept is used as an implication of earlier failed integration. This study uses a combination of methods where Kosselecks conceptual history and Faircloughs critical discourse analysis are applied to the empirical material of proposals in the parliament. Both rest on the theoretical foundation of constructivism. The main finding in the study is that the three parties use the concept differently. Moderaterna use the concept of economic utanförskap while socialdemokraterna use the concept of social utanförskap and lastly sverigedemokraterna use a combination of booth other uses of the concept. The analysis shows no signs of conceptual change based on the empirical material and the previous research from Davidsson (2010) between the time periods of 2003-2006 and 2016-2018. The discourses discovered in the use of the concept are the sub-class discourse and the inside/outside discourse.

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