This thesis investigates competition law, State aid law and free-movement law in their interaction with Article 11 TFEU’s obligation to integrate environmental protection requirements into all activities and policies of the Union. The Article is formulated in broad and sweeping terms which makes integrating environmental protection requirements complex and context-dependent. The challenge of integrating environmental considerations is further increased as such integration in competition, State aid and free- movement law is different from other areas of EU action. The three areas are the core provisions protecting the internal market by prohibiting certain actions of the Member States and undertakings. Unlike in other areas, the EU is therefore not in the position to develop or design the actions but has to scrutinise the measure according to pre-established parameters. To address this challenge, a novel functional approach to environmental integration is developed. The approach should facilitate a better understanding of environmental integration and in particular its application to competition law, State aid and free-movement law. An important element of this thesis equally the comparison between the three areas of law. It sheds light on conceptual issues that are not only relevant to the integration of environmental protection. The comparison advances the understanding in relation to questions such as how restrictions are defined and how the respective balancing tests are applied. The contribution of this research is therefore twofold. One the one hand, it compares how the different tests in competition, State aid and free-movement law operate, thereby offering opportunities for cross-fertilisation. On the other hand, this comparison and the improvements suggested as a result help to conceptualise environmental integration thereby paving the way for a more transparent and consistent integration of environmental protection in competition, State aid and free-movement law.

Si l’alternative est de nos jours et dans nos sociétés occidentales un concept de plus en plus en vogue, son caractère lui, en demeure pas moins ambigu. En effet, et alors même que nombre de pratiques dites alternatives émergent de part et d’autre de la société, en faire allusion dans certains domaines équivaut à s’affliger soi-même d’une étiquette sur laquelle serait inscrite « New-Age » en caractère gras. Pourtant, son caractère loin d’évoquer cette seule dimension, semble par ailleurs être conséquente d un déséquilibre de plus en plus prégnant au sein même des prérogatives de l’État. Ce mémoire tente donc de rendre compte de ce phénomène tout en investiguant les répercussions de cette asymétrie sur l’intégration de pratiques médicales alternatives au Québec. Ceci dans l’intention non seulement d’explorer davantage la nature de la relation entre médecine alternative et biomédecine, mais aussi afin de poser un nouveau regard sur son expansion. Un regard, lequel permettrait potentiellement de poser les jalons nécessaires à un espace de conciliation entre les médecines, lequel découlerait alors d’un nouvel équilibre au cœur des prérogatives mêmes de l’État. / If the alternative is to our days and in our western societies a concept more and more in vogue, its character remains ambiguous. In effect, and even that number of practices called “alternatives” emerge on both sides of the society, in referring to in some areas is equivalent to plague itself-even a label on which would be marked “New-Age” in bold. Yet, its character far from referring to this single dimension, seems also be consistent to a more and more significant unbalance within the prerogatives of the State. This dissertation therefore attempts to account for this phenomenon while inquiry into the repercussions of this asymmetry on the integration of alternative medical practices in Quebec. This with the intention not only to further explore the nature of the relationship between alternative medicine and biomedicine, but also in order to install a new look on its expansion. A look, which would potentially lay the groundwork necessary to a space of conciliation between the medicines and which would lead to a new balance in the heart of the prerogatives of the State.

Réfléchir sur le « bon régime », c’est s’interroger sur l’organisation politique qui convienne à la nature imparfaite de l’homme. Cette nature, combinée avec la contingence dans laquelle l’action humaine se déploie, rend illusoires les tentatives de constructions théoriques et absolument parfaites. Le « bon régime », c’est un régime juste, modéré, orienté vers le bien commun. Mais c’est surtout un régime adapté à la communauté qu’il a pour vocation d’organiser. Le pragmatisme et la « prudence » sont nécessaires pour dégager la constitution qui convient à la communauté politique. La composition sociologique de celle-ci, son histoire, ses moeurs et ses traditions déterminent pour une large part les solutions constitutionnelles qui peuvent être mises en oeuvre. Le « régime » s’insère dans un « système » qui le détermine en partie. Le régime mixte est pendant longtemps apparu comme la forme institutionnelle adaptée à la réalisation du bon régime puisqu’il permet la juste représentation des divers intérêts en présence et l’adhésion du plus grand nombre. Son apparente disparition à l’époque moderne et contemporaine est trompeuse, car ses caractéristiques principales, notamment la modération et l’équilibre, évoluent et se transforment pour s’adapter aux nouvelles réalités. Le constitutionnalisme moderne, par son attachement aux mécanismes de distribution des pouvoirs censés garantir l’équilibre et la modération du pouvoir en est l’illustration parfaite. Mais c’est surtout la persistance paradoxale de diverses formes d’hétéronomies – sociologique, morale, naturelle – qui montre que les modernes et les contemporains n’ont pas rompu de manière définitive avec le « bon régime », si cher aux anciens. / Reflecting on the concept of « good political regime » means reflecting on the best suited political organisation for the imperfect nature of man. This nature, combined with the contingency in which human action occurs, makes all tentative of perfect theoretical constructions illusionary. The « good political regime » is a fair regime and a moderate one oriented towards common good. But it is above all a government adapted to the community it intends to organise. Pragmatism and prudence are necessary in order to organise the most suitable constitution for the political community. Its sociological composition, its history, its customs and traditions are for a large part responsible in determining the constitutional solutions that can be implemented. The political regime occurs in fact in a political system which determines it in return. A “mixed” constitution has appeared for a long time as the most adequate institutional form, as it enables the fairest representation of the diversity of its interest, and the adhesion of the majority to the constitution. Its apparent disappearance in modern times is deceiving since its most distinctive features, among which moderation and equilibrium, have evolved and been transformed to adapt to new realities. Modern constitutionalism, by its attachment to the mechanisms of power distribution constitutes a perfect illustration of this phenomenon of adaptation. But it is above all the paradoxical persistence of different forms of heteronomy – sociological, moral, natural – that best exposes how the modern man has not definitively broken with the « good political regime » so dear to the Ancients.

À la veille d'une journée de "deuil absolu" pour l'anniversaire des attentats tragiques de Madrid du 11 mars 2004, afin de lutter contre le terrorisme, l'ancien secrétaire général de l'ONU, Kofi Annan, a proposé une stratégie globale respectueuse des droits de l'homme et de la primauté du droit. Cependant, la stratégie prévue par l'ONU ne semble s'adresser qu’aux pays dans lesquels l'arsenal juridique contient déjà une protection des droits de l'homme, car toutes les résolutions adoptées appellent les États à ne pas restreindre les droits de l'homme au nom de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Le problème en Irak est cependant beaucoup plus grave. En effet, la protection des droits fondamentaux y est encore lacunaire du fait de la genèse d’un système démocratique naissant et ajouté à cela, la dangerosité du terrorisme le plus brutal. L'importance croissante de la protection des droits de l'homme dans ce pays tient au fait que celle-ci représente un havre de paix pour calmer la brouille qui nourrit le terrorisme entre les diverses communautés de ce pays. Il s’agit essentiellement d’instaurer un climat favorable à une conciliation nationale. La lutte contre le terrorisme en Irak ne peut ainsi porter ses fruits sans l’adoption d’un État de droit et d’une loi qui affronte ce phénomène tout en conservant les droits fondamentaux. De même, depuis 2003, en dépit du fait que l’ONU et les nouveaux dirigeants s’efforcent d’ancrer les notions des droits de l’homme dans la société irakienne, leur tâche semble encore très difficile. En effet, l’échec continu de la communauté internationale dans ses diverses tentatives destinées à formuler une définition unanime du terrorisme s’est reflété négativement sur l’Irak. Le manque d’une définition juridique a permis à certaines puissances mondiales d’en donner une définition politique afin de servir leurs propres intérêts dans le cas irakien, ce qui a provoqué des violations des droits de l’homme au nom de la lutte contre le terrorisme en Irak, en entravant les étapes vers une considération efficace des droits fondamentaux. / On the eve of a day of ‘absolute mourning’ for the anniversary of the tragic attacks in Madrid on March 11th, 2004, in order to fight against terrorism, former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan proposed a comprehensive strategy respectful of human rights and the rule of law. However, the UN strategy seems to be addressed solely to countries in which the legal arsenal already contains a protection against human rights, as all the adopted resolutions call on states not to restrict human rights in the name of the fight against terrorism.The problem in Iraq is however much more serious. Indeed, the protection of fundamental rights in this country is still incomplete due to the genesis of a nascent democratic system, as well as to the dangerousness of the most brutal terrorism. The growing importance of the protection of human rights in this country is that the latter represents a haven of peace to calm the quarrel upon which terrorism thrives, between the different communities of this country. It is essentially a question of enabling a positive climate for a national conciliation.The fight against terrorism in Iraq cannot therefore bear fruit without a rule of law and a law which confront this phenomenon while maintaining fundamental rights. Similarly, since 2003, despite the fact that the UN and the new leaders have been striving to give a foothold to the concepts of human rights in the Iraqi society, the task still seems very difficult. Indeed, the continued failure of the international community in its various attempts to formulate a unanimous definition of terrorism was reflected negatively on Iraq. The lack of a legal definition allowed some world powers to establish a political definition in order to serve their own interests in the Iraqi case, which has caused violations of human rights in the name of the fight against terrorism in Iraq, by impeding the steps towards effective respect for fundamental rights.

A presente dissertação tem como o objetivo discutir as dificuldades adicionais de legitimação do Estado Democrático de Direito na Modernidade Periférica, a partir da observação do caso brasileiro. O marco teórico adotado será a teoria dos sistemas de Niklas Luhmann. Para Luhmann, o Estado Democrático de Direito deve ser compreendido como resultado da diferenciação entre o sistema político e o sistema jurídico. Os traços característicos da realidade brasileira (como a exclusão, o personalismo e a corrupção) prejudicam o cumprimento das funções desses dois sistemas funcionais. A falta de confiabilidade, equidade e acessibilidade dos procedimentos estatais, por sua vez, compromete a sua capacidade de absorver e intermediar a conflituosidade social, prejudicando a aceitação das decisões estatais. / This work has as objective to discuss the additional difficulties of legitimation of the democratic state of law in Peripheral modernity, from the observation of the Brazilian case. The theoretical framework adopted is the systems theory of Niklas Luhmann. For Luhmann, the democratic state must be understood as the result of differentiation between the political system and legal system. The characteristics of the Brazilian reality (such as exclusion, personalism and corruption) affect the functions of these two functional systems. The lack of reliability, equity and accessibility of state procedures, in turn, compromises their ability to absorb and mediate the social conflicts, undermining the acceptance of government decisions

O presente estudo se propõe a investigar em que medida o Parlamento é capaz de exercer, eficazmente, o controle do poder político, no contexto da globalização capitalista, com o objetivo de contribuir com a concretização dos direitos humanos econômicos e sociais. Compreende-se o controle do poder político como o direcionamento das ações do Estado para a realização de seus fins, por meio da fixação de metas e diretrizes, da supervisão e da responsabilização dos agentes políticos. Reconhece-se a importância do Parlamento no desempenho deste papel, porém sua atuação apresenta grandes limites, decorrentes, entre outros fatores, do fenômeno da globalização e da característica histórico-cultural patrimonialista do Estado brasileiro. Diante disso, a sociedade precisa desenvolver outras formas de controle para complementar o parlamentar. / This study wants to investigate in which level the Parliament is able to exercise, with efficacy, the control of the political power, in the context of the capitalist globalization, with the objective to contribute with the concretization of the economics and socials human rights. The control of the political power is understood like the direction of de States actions to the realization of its finalities, by the fixation of objectives and directives, the supervision and the responsabilization of the politics agents. The Parliament has so much importance realizing this paper, but its actuation presents big limits, because some factors, how the phenomenon of the globalization and the historic-cultural characteristic patrimonialista of the Brazilian State. So, the society needs to develop other forms of control to complement the parliamentary.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliana Matos Martins.pdf: 650981 bytes, checksum: f519ff88c5768f381e6b84c7489b39b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The question beyond this study is: is the obligation of grounds every decision consequence of due process in the context of a Constitutional State? On the way of this premise, this master degree dissertation end is the study about due process of law in a Democratic State of Law, showing how a suitable grounding have become important to the democratization of a righteous process. The first part of the study is destined to the analysis of the relation between the Democratic State of Law and the judge, when we will study the role of law interpreterapplicator conquered from constitutionalism. The second part leads the study to the due process of law itself and your application in a Constitutional State, remembering the obligation of a suitable grounds in judicial decisions. Meanwhile, we expose the obligation ground like a constitutional right, foresee on article 93, IX, merging it in a Democratic State of Law, revealing in a consequence of the due process of law. The last part, shows a new concept of the institute of grounding on the new legislation, explaining how it will work on this new scenario / A pergunta ao redor da qual gira em torno esse estudo é a seguinte: o dever de fundamentação jurídica das decisões judiciais é consequência da evolução do princípio do devido processo legal no contexto do Estado Constitucional? Partindo dessa premissa, esta dissertação tem como principal objetivo o estudo sobre o devido processo legal no Estado Democrático de Direito, demonstrando como a fundamentação adequada das decisões judiciais se tornou importante para a legitimidade e democratização do processo justo. A primeira parte do estudo é destinada à análise da relação entre juiz e Estado Democrático de Direito, onde estudaremos o papel que a figura do intérprete-aplicador do direito conquistou a partir do constitucionalismo. A segunda parte dedica-se a estudar o princípio do devido processo legal e sua aplicação no Estado Constitucional, atrelando-o ao dever de fundamentação das decisões judiciais. Nesse ínterim, expomos o dever de fundamentação como uma garantia constitucional no direito brasileiro, prevista no artigo 93, inciso IX, atrelando-a ao Estado Democrático de Direito e revelando-a consequência do devido processo legal. Finalizando, trabalhamos com a renovação do instituto da fundamentação trazida no novo Código de Processo Civil, artigo 489 e parágrafos, comentando cada hipótese trazida no bojo do dispositivo, concluindo com a relação fundamentaçãodemais garantias do devido processo legal

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:25:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIR - Claudio Jose Pereira.pdf: 1135304 bytes, checksum: 49e7398a67d20915e2b6a4538f0cdb18 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-23 / The legal criminal protecion at the Democratic State of Law was the purpose of study, bound for examine all the legal foundations about brazilian system and procedure penal, in face of new risks introduced by post modern society. Constitucion´s bases of Social and Democratic State of Law make an instrumental whole that supply these new risks´ study according to the actual alternative legal protection, applied. The study of principles which tutelaging all the legal protection system guided the approach about an effective protection of a new way of legal assets. Legal criterians about the individual and metaindividual legal assets, with yours features and function requirements, had been analized under the brazilian State constitutional view. The universal legal assets claim a legal peculiar system, guided by many theorys of justice and truth, lookoing for some eficacy preservetion about human rigths and constitutional guarantees, overcoming the straight limits of individual criminal law. The typification of damaging conducts to the legal order, nowadays, goes trough individual and collective risks. The dissatisfaction about the current criminal law model, organized by tipical constructions, that take advantage of a dangerous model like a formula, demanded critical broaching system, in order to reach an efficient model and fitting to the protection of universal legal assets. The alternative studies and the proposal introductions were the mainly point of this work / A proteção jurídica penal no Estado Democrático de Direito foi objeto de um estudo destinado a analisar as bases legais do sistema penal e processual penal brasileiro, em face dos novos riscos apresentados pela sociedade pós-moderna. As bases de constituição do Estado Social e Democrático de Direito formam um conjunto instrumental que proporciona o estudo destes novos riscos segundo as atuais alternativas de proteção jurídica penal, aplicadas. O estudo dos princípios que tutelam todo o sistema de proteção jurídica orientou a abordagem sobre uma proteção eficaz de uma nova modalidade de bens jurídicos. Os critérios jurídicos de seleção de bens jurídicos individuais e meta-individuais, com suas características estruturais e funcionais, foram analisados sob a ótica do modelo constitucional do Estado brasileiro. Os bens jurídicos universais exigem um sistema jurídico próprio, orientado por teorias de verdade e justiça, buscando eficácia na preservação de direitos e garantias individuais, superando os estreitos limites do Direito Penal individual. A tipificação de condutas lesivas à ordem jurídica, passa hoje pelos riscos individuais e pelos riscos coletivos. A insatisfação com atual modelo de Direito Penal, organizado por construções típicas que utilizam o modelo de perigo abstrato como fórmula, exigiu abordagens críticas do sistema, com a finalidade de alcançar um modelo eficaz e adequado à proteção de bens jurídicos universais. O estudo de alternativas e a apresentação de propostas foi o principal objetivo deste trabalho

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:16:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 9 / Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos / Este trabalho faz uma análise do direito fundamental à segurança jurídica e, mais especificamente, das suas circunstâncias no âmbito do Estado Moderno. Para tanto, percorre os modelos estatais, a partir do Estado Liberal, até o momento atual e sua(s) crise (s). Em seguida, apresenta um (re)pensar para a noção de tempo, sob uma perspectiva hermenêutico-filosófica, analisa a segurança jurídica em sua relação com o Estado Liberal e passa a entender como se processa aquele conceito no Estado Democrático de Direito, sendo este o ponto nevrálgico da pesquisa. Por derradeiro, tomando por base a relação entre segurança jurídica e Estado Democrático, são verificadas algumas implicações que o direito fundamental à segurança jurídica traz ao Regime Geral da Previdência Social, tendo a experiência brasileira como referência / This work makes an analysis regarding the juridical safety and, more specifically, of your circumstances in the ambit of the Modern State. For so much, it travels the state models, starting from the Liberal State, until the current moment and their crisis (s). Soon after, it presents a "(re)think" for the notion of time, under a hermeneutic-philosophical perspective, analyzes the legal safety in its relationship with the Liberal State and starts to understand as that concept is processed in the Democratic State of Law, being this a important point of the research. For last, taking for base the relationship between juridical safety and Democratic State, some are verified implications that the fundamental right to the legal safety brings to the General Regime of Social Welfare, having the Brazilian experience as reference

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:20:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 25 / Nenhuma / Partindo do pressuposto de que a evolução do Direito Penal não pode ser vista separadamente da trajetória do Estado Moderno e, conseqüentemente, do constitucionalismo, temos por inúmeras as transformações ocorridas no âmbito da teoria do bem jurídico penal. O Estado, que nasce absolutista, supera suas deficiências na medida em que evolui na proteção de direitos, passando de “inimigo” a “amigo” dos direitos fundamentais. Com efeito, o absenteísmo do Estado Liberal deu lugar a um intervencionismo estatal, característico do Estado Social. Embora significasse um avanço para os direitos, sua concepção ainda descuidava da democracia e dos direitos fundamentais, circunstâncias que, na seqüência, possibilitaram a origem do Estado Democrático de Direito, cujo paradigma representa um enorme avanço nos modelos de Estado e Direito. A partir dessa idéia, a presente dissertação pretende desenvolver a compreensão do princípio da proibição de proteção deficiente (Untermassverbot), resgatando o lado esquecido da proporcionali / Several changes have occurred in the legally protected interest field, based on the assumption that the progress of Criminal Law cannot be seen separately from the trajectory of Modern State and, as a result, constitutionalism. State, originally absolutist, overcomes its deficits whereas develops the protection of rights, passing from "enemy" to "friend" of fundamental rights. In fact, the absenteeism of Liberal State led to state interventionism, typical of Welfare State. Although it has been an advance for the rights, its conception still neglected the democracy and fundamental rights which originated the Democratic State of Law, whose paradigm is a huge advance in the State and Law models. From this idea, this work intends to develop the comprehension about Untermassverbot to recover the ignored side of proportionality and fundamental rights. For this reason, its applicabilities are presented in the Criminal Law field, altering from jurisdictional analyze to legislative perspective of unconstitutionalities