Cette thèse de doctorat vise à répondre à une question qui a été largement négligée par la littérature sur les crises des régimes autoritaires : pourquoi les forces armées tolèrent-elles ou répriment-elles les mouvements d’opposition en faveur de changements du régime ? L’hypothèse principale stipule que l’attitude conciliante ou réfractaire des forces armées dépend de la nature des mesures adoptées par le régime autoritaire afin de s’assurer de leur loyauté et prévenir des coups d’État. Lorsque ces mesures de préventions des coups d’État contribuent à créer des divisons au sein de l’armée, les factions marginalisées sont enclines à tolérer les mouvements d’opposition, si ces derniers offrent une alternative crédible au régime, en raison de leur capacité à s’unir autour d’une plate-forme commune de revendications modérées, réalistes et acceptables pour les militaires. À l’inverse, lorsque les mesures de prévention des coups d’État favorisent la cohésion interne de l’armée et son attachement au régime, les militaires adoptent une attitude répressive à l’égard des forces contestataires. Ces hypothèses sont vérifiées à l’aide d’une analyse comparative des différentes mesures de prévention des coups d’État adoptées par les régimes autoritaires du Bénin et du Togo et de leurs impacts sur le succès, dans le premier cas, et l’échec, dans le second cas, des mouvements d’opposition dans les deux pays, au début des années 1990. Cette analyse est effectuée à l’aide de deux approches méthodologiques : le traçage de processus ainsi que la comparaison de deux études de cas. / This Ph.D. dissertation analyzes the factors that influence armed forces’ decisions to tolerate or suppress opposition movements demanding political reforms which could lead to regime change. This dissertation helps to fill a large gap in the literature as only a few scholars have attempted to explain military behaviour during regime crisis. It does so through an analysis of how anti-coup policies and opposition forces’ characteristics lead to the formation of marginalized military cliques and their potential support for regime change. It theorizes that the head of state’s survival strategy, specifically coup-proofing measures, influences military factions’ willingness to preserve the status quo. Reliance on loyalists leads to armed forces with a powerful core loyal to the incumbent regime and willing to use repression, while the strategy of counterbalancing leads to armed forces largely unattached to the maintenance of the regime. Under these circumstances, opposition forces can foster regime defection when they offer a viable alternative to the incumbent government, if the opposition can unify around a moderate platform that provides realist demands vis-à-vis regime forces. The main argument, on the influence of divergent coup-proofing policies on military actions, is assessed through a comparison of Benin and Togo. In each state, authoritarian regimes responded to the challenge of opposition mobilization by initiating negotiation processes. Divergences in coup-prevention techniques and credible commitment capacity of the opposition explain why the opposition campaign in the beginning of the 1990s was successful in Benin but failed in Togo. This research is based on two methods: process-tracing and the comparative method.

Chapter 1: The Impact of Culture on the Second-Generation Immigrants’ Level of Trust in Canada Trust is one of the main elements of social capital; it determines the extent to which an individual cooperates with others. In this chapter, I assess whether cultural factors influence the level of trust in the population of second-generation immigrants in Canada. This paper is related to two strands of empirical literature. The first analyses the determinants of trust and the second studies the cultural transmission of values, attitudes and beliefs. I follow closely the literature on the cultural transmission and use an epidemiological approach to assess whether trust of second-generation immigrants is affected by their cultural heritage. This approach consists of comparing information about the outcomes of second-generation immigrants with that of the country of origin of their ancestry. We apply this approach using the Ethnic Diversity Survey (EDS), the World Value Survey (WVS) and the European Value Survey (EVS). Estimation results show that the average level of trust in the countries of origin of the ancestors of the second-generation immigrants has a strong significant impact on their level of trust. Thus, individual whose country of ancestry displays a high level of trust, tend to have a high level of trust. This provides evidence that individuals’ level of trust is not only explained by their personal experiences, characteristics, and the environment in which they live; but also by the culture in their country of ancestry. This means that culture does matter! I find that the results remain robust even if certain key countries are omitted or a different data set is used. Chapter 2: Decomposing Health Achievement and Socioeconomic Health Inequalities in Presence of Multiple Categorical Information This chapter presents a decomposition of the health achievement and the socioeconomic health inequality indices by multiple categorical variables and by regions. I adopt Makdissi and Yazbeck's (2014) counting approach to deal with the ordinal nature of the data of the United States National Health Interview Survey 2010. The findings suggest that the attributes that contribute the most to the deviation from perfect health in the United States are: anxiety, depression and exhaustion. Also, I find that the attributes that contribute the most to the total socioeconomic health inequality are ambulation, depression and pain. The regional decomposition results suggest that, if the aversion to socioeconomic health inequality is high enough, socioeconomic health inequalities between regions are the main contributors to the total socioeconomic health inequality in the United States. Chapter 3: Accounting for Freedom and Economic Resources in the Assessment of Changes in Women Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa This chapter assesses the importance of freedom in women’s wellbeing in twelve Sub-Saharan Africa countries by using data from Demographic Health Surveys. This paper presents a poverty comparison by using the stochastic dominance approach and relies on the economic resources and freedom as the two aspects of wellbeing which evokes the multidimensionality of poverty. This study is related to the following three pieces of literature: the sequential stochastic dominance, the multidimensional poverty, the Sen’s capability approach which is based on freedom. This paper is built on Makdissi et al. (2014) but differs from it in a number of respects. First, it focuses on poverty instead of welfare. Secondly, it applies the Shapley decomposition to determine the contributions of the economic resource distribution and the incidence of the threat of domestic violence to poverty changes over time. Consistent with previous work on the importance of freedom, I find that more freedom, i.e. less threat of domestic violence, affects women’s wellbeing positively since it decreases women’s poverty. The results indicate that women’s wellbeing has improved in Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, and Zimbabwe and deteriorated in Ethiopia, Nigeria and Tanzania.

La pauvreté est un phénomène qui touche tous les continents et plus particulièrement l’Afrique. Elle affecte surtout les populations des pays sous développés. Malgré la lutte de ces derniers au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale en faveur de l’établissement d’un nouvel ordre économique international qui assurerait leur droit au développement, force est de constater que la question de la lutte contre la pauvreté est encore d’actualité. La Banque mondiale est l’un des acteurs centraux qui accompagnent les pays africains, entre autres, à réaliser leur développement socio-économique à travers la mise en œuvre de projets et programmes de développement. Cependant, la reconnaissance du droit au développement et de ses principes par la Banque mondiale ne s’est pas opérée sans réticence au début. C’est seulement à partir des années 1990 et plus encore au début des années 2000 avec les Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement, que l’institution a changé sa vision du développement, élargi ses objectifs, adopté de nouvelles politiques et posé de nouvelles conditionnalités d’octroi de son financement respectueux des principes ou exigences de la Déclaration du droit au développement. Ce changement traduit l’échec des politiques appliquées par la Banque Mondiale en Afrique subsaharienne avant les années 1990. Quels étaient ces politiques ? L’évolution institutionnelle, idéologique de l’institution et ses nouvelles conditionnalités contribuent-elles à assurer un impact plus positif des projets ou programmes de développement en Afrique en général, et plus particulièrement au Bénin, au Cameroun et au Togo ? La décentralisation des compétences et attributions de l’Etat dans la plupart des pays d’Afrique subsaharienne en faveur des collectivités locales constitue-t-elle un cadre plus favorable à la réalisation du droit au développement ? / The poverty is a phenomenon which touches all the continents and more particularly Africa. It affects especially the populations of countries under developed. In spite of the fight of these last ones after the second world war in favour of the establishment of a new international economic order which would ensure their right for the development, the forces is to notice that the question of the fight against the poverty is still of current events. The World Bank is one of the central actors who accompany the African countries, among others, to realize their socioeconomic development through the application of projects and programs of development. However, the recognition of the right for the development and of its principles by the World Bank did not take place without hesitation at the beginning. It is only from 1990s and more still at the beginning of 2000s with the Objectives of the Millennium for the Development, that the institution changed its vision of the development, widens its objectives, adopts new policies and poses of news conditions of granting of its respectful financing of the principles or the requirements of the Declaration of the right for the development.This change translates the failure of the policies applied by the World Bank in sub-Saharan Africa before 1990s. What were these policies? The institutional, ideological evolution of the institution and does its new conditionality contribute to ensure a more positive impact of the projects or the development programs in Africa generally, and more particularly in Benin, in Cameroon and in Togo? Does the decentralization of the skills and the attributions of the State, in most of the countries of sub-Saharan Africa in favour of local authorities, constitute a limit more favorable to the realization of the law for the development?

En Afrique subsaharienne francophone, au cours de ces deux dernières décennies, le nombre et l’intensité des crises et conflits restent un sujet de vive préoccupation exigeant une réponse globale. Ces différends ont souvent pour cause profonde la violation des droits de l’homme et l’avènement du processus démocratique débouchant sur des transitions chaotiques, notamment en République démocratique du Congo, au Tchad, en Côte d’Ivoire et au Togo.L’OIF, un acteur à vocation culturelle doté dorénavant d’instruments et de mécanismes de prévention et de sortie de crises, s’impose à côté de l’ONU et autres organisations internationales et régionales comme une institution culturelle de démocratie et de sécurité.Outre son rôle prépondérant en matière de contribution au processus démocratique, les actions de la Francophonie se déroulent en complémentarité avec celles des autres organisations impliquées dans la prévention, la gestion et la résolution des conflits.A l’heure des enjeux sécuritaires entre Etats, et en dépit de ses moyens limités, il s’avère nécessaire de construire autour de cet espace géoculturel à dimension politique, une identité stratégique sécuritaire en vue de juguler les menaces et risques majeurs et jouer pleinement son rôle de puissance d’influence. / In francophone Sub-Saharan Africa conflicts and crises have increased in number and intensity over the two last decades and remained a major issue demanding a global response. They are often mainly caused by the breach of human rights and the coming of democratic process leading chaotic transitions, such as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad, Ivory Coast and Togo.The international organisation of “ francophonie” – whose role consists in promoting culture and whose new tools and mechanisms aim at preventing and solving crises – play a major part among the UN and other international and regional organisations as a cultural institution for democracy and security. Apart from its prevailing part played in terms of contribution to the democratic process, the actions of the organisation complement those of other organisations involved in preventing, managing, and solving conflicts.At this time of security challenge among countries and despite limited means, working out – within this geo cultural area that has a political dimension – a secure strategic identity, turns out to be necessary in order to curb major threats and risks and fully play the role of influential power.

This dissertation is an Investigation into the Tuareg involvement in violent conflict in the Sahara and the Sahel of North Africa from a sociological psychological perspective of unmet human needs. The research begins by establishing the structure and texture of the sociological, psychological, and emotional life patterns of their existence when not involved in violent conflict. This is followed by an examination of the pathology of Tuareg social structures that are engaged in intra and inter communal violence as perpetrators, victims, and bystanders. The first part of the research establishes normal conditions of the sociological life cycle and highlights natural areas of conflict that arise from exposure to rapid and/or external changes to their physical and social environment. The second part establishes parameters of expected damage from trauma, extended conflict, and failure to adapt to rapid environmental, social and political changes. The research methodology relies on a case study format that uses collaborative ethnography and phenomenological inquiry to answer the research questions and validate propositions made from existing literature and pre]existing research. The research questions focus on aspects of the sociological structure and failing psychological and emotional needs that are relevant to the subjectfs involvement in violent conflict. The research propositions are in part shaped from existing knowledge of tribal sociological structures that are related to the Tuareg by ethnicity, environment, and shared psycho]cultural attributes. The expected contribution of this research is the development of an alternative praxis for tribal engagement and village stability operations conducted by the United States Special Operations Command.

No description available.

No description available.

L’augmentation de la quantité des déchets ménagers dans le District d’Abidjan constitue une pression énorme pour l’environement et la santé des populations. Les soutiens ponctuels des organismes internationaux tels que la Banque Mondiale et la présence de nombreux acteurs (Etat, institutions internationales, acteurs locaux) n’ont pas empêché la persistance de la problématique de la gestion des déchets dans l’agglomération abidjanaise. La faiblesse du rendement et du taux de recouvrement de la Taxe d’Enlèvement des Ordures Ménagères imputée aux ménages pour la gestion des ordures, ne permet pas de répondre aux besoins de financement de la filière. Ainsi, cette thèse analyse les conditions et effets de l’accès des ménages d’Abidjan à un service amélioré de collecte des déchets. Pour cela, nous avons mené une enquête d’évaluation contingente (consentement à payer). En recourant à un modèle de choix discret (probit), nous avons pu mettre en évidence le lien entre les caractéristiques des ménages et leur volonté à participer à une gestion améliorée de leurs ordures. Nous avons démontré l’existence d’un lien entre l’accès à des services de collecte des déchets et aux latrines améliorées. Ce résultat va dans le sens des ODD qui préconisent une gestion intégrée de l’assainissement. Le recours à une méthode d’appariement a permis d’évaluer, de manière originale, les bénéfices du recours à un service informel de pré-collecte des déchets pour les ménages enquêtés. Les déterminants de la demande avérée pour un service informel ont d’abord été identifiés. L’indice de richesse (richesse matérielle), le genre, la durée de stockage des ordures, le fait que le ménage considère les maladies comme étant le problème majeur lié aux déchets, sont les facteurs qui expliquent le recours à un service de pré-collecte de leurs ordures. Par ailleurs, ce recours génère, d’après les résultats de la modélisation, des bénéfices socio-économiques quantifiables en termes d’une part, de développement socio-économique et humain et d’autre part, en termes de solutions de financement de la filière par la mise en place d’une taxe incitative (au ramassage des ordures). Enfin, à l’aide de la méthode des prix hédonistes appliquée aux données de notre enquête, nous avons identifié une relation positive entre les équipements de base d’un logement tel que l’accès à l’eau, à l’électricité et aux latrines et le prix des loyers. En revanche, la faible qualité du service actuel de collecte des ordures ménagères dans les quartiers enquêtés ou le fait que la charge liée à la collecte soit récurrente, expliqueraient sa non influence sur le prix locatif des logements. / The increase in amount of household wastes in Abidjan is an enormous strain on the environment and on the health of local populations.Support from international institutions such as the World Bank and the presence of many actors (State, international institutions and local actors) have not prevented the persistence of the waste management problem in Abidjan. In this thesis, we analyse the conditions and implications of households for improved waste collection service in Abidjan. For this, we conducted a contingent valuation survey (willingness to pay). By using a discrete choice (probit) model, we were able to highlight the link between household characteristics and their willingness to participate in improved waste management. We have demonstrated a link between access to waste collection services and improved latrines. This result is in line with the SDGs, which advocate integrated sanitation management.At first, the determinants of the demand turned out for an informal service were identified. The wealth index, the gender, the duration of storage of the garbage, the fact that the household considers the diseases as being the major problem bound to waste, are the factors which explain the recourse to a service of pre-collection of their garbage. Besides, this recourse generates, according to the results of the modelling, quantifiable socioeconomic profits in terms of socioeconomic and human development in the first hand and on the other hand, in terms of solutions of financing of the sector by the implementation of an incentive tax. Finally, by using the hedonic price method, which applied to our survey data, we identified a positive relationship between the basic attachments of a dwelling such as access to water, electricity and latrines and the price of rents. On the other hand, the low quality of the current garbage collection service would explain its no-influence on the rental price of housing

L’action extérieure de l’Union européenne en matière de droits de l’homme est singulièrement conduite vers l’Afrique subsaharienne, qui bénéficie d’une position particulière. Il s’agit ici d’analyser les droits de l’homme dans les relations entre l’Union européenne et les États de l’Afrique subsaharienne sous l’angle de la recherche constante de l’équilibre. Il s’agit alors de déterminer si les droits de l’homme sont un facteur de progrès dans ces relations, d’un point de vue internationaliste. Par une méthode critique et pragmatique, la recherche a permis de dégager une définition instrumentale des droits de l’homme et d’examiner les différentes formes d’ingénierie juridique dans ces relations. Dans un premier temps, la thèse met en évidence la spécificité de l’intégration des droits de l’homme, c’est-à-dire le processus de création des droits de l’homme qui est dominé par les institutions européennes, et les instruments de promotion et de protection de ces droits qui s’inspirent du droit de l’Union. Le processus juridique de production et le produit des droits de l’homme dans ces relations pose la question de la cohérence des différentes politiques de l’Union en matière de coopération au développement. Dans un second temps, la recherche se penche sur le degré de réalisation des règles de droit dans les faits, par le seuil d’effectivité et d’ineffectivité. Cette appréciation permet de s’interroger sur les incidences et les causes de l’effectivité et de l’ineffectivité des droits de l’homme dans les relations entre l’Union européenne et les États de l’Afrique subsaharienne. Il en ressort une pratique mitigée du mécanisme de garantie de ces droits au regard d’une application à géométrie variable de ce régime juridique et de la permanence des enjeux extra-juridiques. Des interventions tierces dans ces relations d’organisations internationales (ONU, UA) ou d’États (Chine) tentent de compléter ou de réexaminer la conditionnalité de la coopération au développement au respect des droits de l’homme / The European Union’s external action as far as human rights are concerned is specially geared toward sub-Saharan Africa, which benefits of a particular position. The purpose here is to analyze human rights in relations between the European Union and the sub-Saharan African states in terms of a search of a constant equilibrium. It is actually a matter of determining whether human rights are a factor of progress in these relations from an internationalist point of view. Through a critical and pragmatic approach, the research allowed to deliver an instrumental definition of human rights and examine the different forms of legal work in these relations. First the thesis will highlight the specificity of the integration of human rights, the creative process of human rights that is dominated by the institutions of the European Union and the instruments of promotion and protection of these laws, which are inspired by the law of the Union. The legal process of production and the product of human rights in these relations raise the question of the consistency of the various policies of the European Union in matters of development cooperation. Second, the research looks at the degree of realization of the rules of law in effects through a threshold of effectiveness and ineffectiveness. This assessment will raise the question of the incidences and the causes of effectiveness and ineffectiveness of human rights in the relations between the European Union and the sub-Saharan African states. It appears a moderate practice from the guarnanteeing mechanism of these laws, albeit through an application that varies from country to country of this legal system and of the permanence of extra legal issues. Third-party interventions in these international organizations relations (UN, AU) or of States (China) try to complete or reconsider the conditionality of the development cooperation for human rights

The aim of this study is to investigate and analyse the military involvement of the USA in the security of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) during the era of the Clinton administration (1993-2001). The study is based on the assumption that the US did not have that much interest in the security of SSA during the Clinton era and that it did not want to become militarily involved in SSA. Its position as the only remaining superpower in the post-Cold War era, however placed a responsibility on the US to be militarily involved in the creation of a more secure SSA. The study relies on two theoretical constructs. On the one hand the changing nature of security in the post-Cold War world in general, but specifically in SSA, serves as a theoretical starting point. This is, on the other hand, supported by a theoretical focus on the nature of military involvement globally, but also specifically in SSA in the era after the Cold War. The latter is to a large extent related to the changing nature of military force and the use thereof in the post-Cold War era. The military involvement of the US in the management of the security of SSA during the Clinton era is analysed against the background of the US interests, policy, and strategy – specifically its security strategy – in SSA. The reality of the absence of concrete US interests in SSA is highlighted. This lack of interest led to a situation whereby SSA could not be a priority in US foreign policy. The US policy objectives in SSA were nevertheless aimed at the promotion of democracy, the improvement of the security situation and the support of economic progress. The reluctance of the US to deploy military forces in SSA underpins its security strategy and military involvement in SSA. The security strategy of the US was in essence preventive in nature since it aimed at preventing the manifestation of threats from SSA against the US by promoting the stability of SSA. However, the US was still militarily involved in SSA in a variety of ways, from the provision of military training and the conduct of military exercises to military operations. Military involvement centred around the empowerment of armed forces in SSA. It was argued that the capacity of the armed forces of SSA should be developed to support democratic governance and economic progress. The capacity building programmes of the US armed forces in SSA concentrated on defence reform, military professionalism, the creation of indigenous conflict resolution and peace support capabilities, the provision of equipment, and the improvement of health and environmental conditions. / Dissertation (MA (Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Political Sciences / unrestricted