Eleni-Ioanna Malafouri, International Migration and Ethnic Relations, University of Malmö.Abstract of Master's Thesis, Submitted 22 May 2015: Who are they and why are they here? A media analysis of the negative portrayal of immigrants in the mainstream Greek press. This study is an initial attempt to investigate the negative depiction of immigrants in the mainstream Greek press of the 2000s. Our goal is to identify the dimensions of negativeimage-making and discuss the dichotomy of the ''identity'' and the ''otherness'' projected in the contemporary press. In order to accomplish that, data, collected from selected articles in a number of best-selling Greek newspapers, were scrutinised with regards to their content, style of writing, presentation as well as their readability and triggering of a wider social discourse at the time of their publication. Using a retroductive approach, to wit travelling back and forth from the general phenomenon to specific incidents, we showed that via the presentation of the negative association of the immigrants with a) criminality, b) the obscure market and c) their unworthiness to bear national symbols, the mainstream Greek press intensifies the presence of certain dichotomies. Such dichotomies, as they appeared in the text and presentation of the articles, are the “identity” versus the “otherness”, “we” versus “they”, as well as one’s race “superiority” versus the “inferiority” of the other, “locals” versus “immigrants”.

Through the concept of slow design, particularly the principle of compressed refuse, the project aims to explore the potential of using temporary structures to store artificial waste. Moreover, it investigates the role of architects as community activators by creating spaces that propose questions and encourage dialogues. This process, referred to as TimeCycling, involves abstracting materials from regular cycles, utilizing them as building materials for a limited time, and then reintegrating them into recycling processes, thus extending their lifespan and avoiding landfills. I have proposed a building system for temporary structures, using discarded newspapers. The construction of a pavilion and furniture pieces made from newspapers serves both as a practical demonstration of sustainable construction techniques and a symbolic representation of democratic values. By engaging the public in the building process, the project seeks to foster a sense of response-ability, encourage localized action, facilitate informal discussions, and promote knowledge sharing within the community.

Notre travail a comme objectif d’étudier la fonction de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane pendant la révolution de 1848 en Allemagne. A partir d’un corpus constitué des numéros du journal, y compris les éditions spéciales et les suppléments, notre étude analyse la conception du journal voulue par ses fondateurs, sa réalisation journalistique ainsi que l’évolution de sa ligne politique. Comme outil d’analyse nous nous appuyons sur la notion de l’espace public, notamment de l’espace public bourgeois, conçue par Jürgen Habermas en 1961, mais aussi sur les notions d’un espace public plébéien et d’un espace public prolétarien que la recherche a développées entre-temps. Après avoir étudié l’état de l’espace public en Allemagne, l’évolution du mouvement ouvrier avant et au début de la révolution et les prémices de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane, nous développons l’hypothèse que le journal fut un projet indépendant, explicitement conçu pour l’espace public bourgeois, en parallèle avec le projet de la Ligue des communistes qui, elle, a été créée à l’attention du mouvement ouvrier et pour l’espace public prolétarien naissant. La conception de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane puise ses sources dans les analyses de ses fondateurs, notamment de son rédacteur en chef Karl Marx, notamment en ce qui concerne la situation en Allemagne et en Europe. Suivant ces analyses, le journal a l’exigence de peser sur le cours de la révolution. L’idée de départ est de faire pression sur les parties progressistes de la bourgeoisie. En conséquence sa stratégie est de s’insérer dans le mouvement démocrate afin de pousser les démocrates vers une politique de confrontation avec la monarchie absolue. En s’adaptant au début de son existence aux critères de l’espace public bourgeois, la Nouvelle gazette rhénane correspond aux critères d’excellence de son époque : son travail rédactionnel, son organisation, sa production matérielle et sa distribution sont à la pointe du journalisme politique. Notre étude statistique des articles concernant l’Allemagne et l’étranger montre qu’il s’agit d’un journal prussien qui bénéficie d’un réseau dense de correspondants dans les régions et les Etats d’Allemagne ainsi qu’en Europe. Un accent particulier est porté sur les informations venant des pays européens. Ce fait s’explique par la conception européenne que le journal a de la révolution de 1848.La particularité du journal est à notre sens qu’il a accompagné toutes les modifications de l’espace public pendant la révolution. Sa politique se caractérise par la défense de la révolution et en premier lieu la défense de la liberté de la presse. Confronté à un morcellement et une destruction partielle de l’espace public bourgeois, sa ligne politique évolue d’une critique de la politique des parlements de Francfort et de Berlin vers une ligne de plus en plus insurrectionnelle. Notamment pendant les crises de septembre et de novembre, son influence sur les démocrates est notable sans qu’elle puisse s’imposer entièrement. En réaction à un bilan négatif de la politique du mouvement démocrate, ses rédacteurs quittent leurs fonctions dirigeantes au sein du mouvement au printemps 1849 pour intégrer la fraternité ouvrière (Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverbrüderung) de Leipzig. Cette décision correspond à une orientation vers l’espace public prolétarien ; le processus de cette réorientation est cependant interrompu par la fin de la révolution et ne pourra pas se concrétiser. / Our work has the objective of studying the function of die Neue Rheinische Zeitung during the German revolution in 1848. Our work is based on a corpus that consists of all the numbers of the journal that comprise of special editions and supplements. Our study analyses the conception of the newspaper as imagined by its founders, its journalistic creation as well as the evolution of its political direction. The basis of our analysis is the notion of public sphere, notably the bourgeois public sphere conceived by Jürgen Habermas in 1961 but also the notions of the plebeian public sphere and the proletarian public sphere. These notions had been developped by the research in the meantime.After having studied the situation of the public sphere in Germany and the evolution of the labour movement that already existed at the start of the revolution and the beginnings of die Neue Rheinische Zeitung, we developped the hypothesis that the journal was an independent project conceived for the bourgeois public sphere in parallel with the project of the Communist League, which was created for the attention of the labour movement and the emerging proletarian public sphere. The conception of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung takes its inspiration from his founders, namely chief contributor Karl Marx and his analyses about the situation in Germany and in Europe. According to his analysis, the newspaper had an impact on the course of the revolution. The first idea behind it is to put the progressive parties under pressure. Consequently, his strategy is to enter the democratic movement in order to push its members towards a political confrontation with the monarchy. At the start of its existence, it adapted itself to the criteria of the bourgeois public sphere and therefore matched the criteria and the political standards of journalism at that time in terms of writing skills, organization, production and distribution. Our statistics of the articles dealing with Germany and other foreign countries show that it is about a Prussian newspaper, which benefited from a wide network of correspondents in the regions and states in Germany as well as Europe. Information coming from European countries is extremely important, certainly because of the European conception which the journal developed of the revolution in 1848. A particular feature of the journal is that it followed all the changes of the public sphere during the revolution. Its politics was characterized by the defence of the revolution ad in the first instance of the Freedom of the Press. Confronted by a splitting up and a partial destruction of the bourgeois public sphere, the political movement started moving from a critic of the Parliaments in Frankfurt and Berlin into a more and more insurrectional direction against the government. During the crises of September and November 1848, its influence on the democrats is notable without being completely imposing. In reaction to the negative results of the democratic political movement, the contributors started quitting the leadership in Rhineland in spring 1849 to integrate die Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverbrüderung of Leipzig. The decision corresponded to a changing direction towards the proletarian public sphere whose progress had been interrupted by the end of the revolution and could not be realized.

This research involves understanding the civic learning that emerged from the ways individuals in two civic action groups, Greenhill Historical Society (GHS) in Bonnybridge, a deindustrialised location, and Cumbernauld Village Action for the Community (CVAC) in Cumbernauld Village, a Conservation Area, enacted their citizenship through the spatial (geographical) and temporal (historical) characteristics of their place. I use a citizenship-as-practice conceptualisation, where citizenship is not a status ‘given’ to individuals who have successfully displayed pre-requisite outcomes, but is a continuous and indeterminate practice through exposure to real challenges. To understand the learning occurring for, from and through their practices, I used Biesta’s theory of civic learning (Biesta, 2011). It involves a socialisation conception of civic learning as the adoption of existing civic identities, where individuals adapt to a given political order, and a subjectification conception which focuses on how political agency is achieved. The theory connects learning and action together, where Biesta argues socialisation involves the individual requiring to learn something in order to carry out the ‘correct’ actions in the future; however, subjectification involves action preceding learning, where learning comes second, if at all. I used a case study design and a psychogeographic mapping methodology involving secondary data analysis, psychogeographic mapping interviews and observations. Civic action emerged as a more central component than civic learning through my empirical analysis. The civic actions of GHS emerged as a case of reconsideration (redefining, re-meaning their location through interventions in public), and CVAC of reconfiguration (actions physically altering the landscape). These actions concerning space and time involved spatial shifts from mapreading to mapmaking, and temporal shifts from histories ‘of’ and ‘for’ the public, towards histories ‘by’ the public. Respondents became ‘curators’ of their places: from spectators to participants in making and representing spaces and histories that opened their locations to interruptions of the continuities of time. Attending to practices of citizens with space and time contains possibilities for public pedagogies that work ‘with’ context rather than just ‘in’, towards opening up opportunities for citizens to ‘become public’ as practices that trouble pre-existing arrangements and configurations.

此論文的目的在於探討八、九O年代台灣所發生的民族認同問題。由於民族認同所代表的是一個政治共同體歸屬的問題，在台灣特殊的歷史與內、外的政治結構之下，此一時期的民主化和全球化的發展，對台灣的民族認同問題帶來什麼樣的影響，這是本論文所關切的主要問題。另一個重要的問題則是，媒介公共領域在這民族認同爭議的過程中扮演什麼樣的角色。這個研究從八九年「亞銀年會」事件和九九年「兩國論」事件中新聞媒體的公共論述，來探討此一時期民族認同形構的變化，並從中了解民主化和全球化過程以什麼樣的方式影響著民族認同的論述，以及媒介公共領域的性質。 研究的結果顯示出，在這兩個事件中，媒介公共領域的國家與民族論述，最大的變化在於官方論述的轉變，媒介公共領域也出現了一些變化。兩個事件的爭議核心，都和官方試圖以新論述賦予政治共同體更明確的定位有關；而媒介的公共論述也顯示出，媒體公共領域是論述民族認同的重要場域，無論是在「亞銀年會」事件或是「兩國論」事件，有些媒體的公共論述形成與官方論述對抗的局面。由官方論述在這兩個事件中的變化，可以看到修憲等民主化對官方論述轉變的影響；民主化的另一個影響，則是媒介公共領域在民族主義立場的分歧化，這點在「亞銀年會」事件尚不明顯。全球化的影響在這兩個事件的比較中較不顯著，少數的論述中可以看到，國家和民族未來的想像與晚近兩岸經貿發展之間的關聯。 這兩個事件的比較顯示出，新聞媒體在其民族主義立場和作為政治共同體的公共領域之間，存在著一種緊張的關係。這顯現於兩類媒體的論述：一種是傾向於內部區分和排除的自我中心式的論述，另一種則是傾向於以他者的觀點來評估政治共同體的作為。這兩種觀點源於台灣特殊的內、外部的結構，但都不利於公民社群的團結。此論文最後以哈伯馬斯(J. Habermas, 1994: 134)的「共同視域」此一觀點，主張媒介公共領域的公眾溝通應根植於公民社群，並且以其歷史經驗對憲政原則的詮釋，做為公共溝通的「固定的參考點」，並在此基礎上尋求公民社群團結。 關鍵字： 民族認同、政治共同體、公共領域、共同視域、公民社群、團結。

Dissertation focuses on qualitative aspects of EU communication strategies applied in two new EU member states, young democracies – Lithuania and Estonia. The overall goal of the research was twofold: to gain a better understanding about the reasons that determine implementation of EU Communication Policy in different national contexts as well as to propose possible solutions how to reshape and adapt it to specific cultures and conditions. Dissertation deals with the normative approach, that EU communication can provide a basis for the formation of the European public sphere and can help to bridge the ‘gap‘ between EU institutions and citizens on the national level. Generally, this comparative study performed in two Baltic countries has shown that while analysing European political communication, it is crucially important to examine strategic-organisational, as well as contextual factors (socio-cultural, political, economic conditions, local particularities of histories and traditions of communication) and values of those communicating (institutional communication officers and journalists) that influence their relationship (political communication culture) and have an impact on messages produced. / Disertacijoje analizuojama, kaip vyksta politikos komunikacijos sistemų europeizacijos procesai naujosiose narėse, jaunos demokratijos valstybėse (Lietuvoje ir Estijoje), apie kurių kontekstą ir patirtis Europos moksliniame diskurse pernelyg mažai yra žinoma. Mokslinė problema formuluojama tokiu klausimu: kokiu būdu ir kokiomis priemonėmis galima būtų užtikrinti efektyvią politikos komunikaciją tarp ES lygmens bei nacionalinių institucijų ir piliečių, ir taip pasiūlyti efektyvių sprendimų, kaip institucinė ES komunikacijos politika, pritaikyta prie skirtingų ES šalių narių ar jų grupių (tokių kaip Baltijos šalys) kontekstų, galėtų padėti spręsti ES demokratijos stygiaus problemą bei paspartinti bendros politinės viešosios erdvės formavimąsi Europoje? Darbe siekta parodyti, kad veiksniai, lemiantys Europos viešosios erdvės formavimąsi, yra daugialypiai bei kompleksiški. Remiantis Lietuvos ir Estijos atvejo analize galima daryti prielaidą, kad ES komunikacijos politikos įgyvendinimą nacionaliniu lygmeniu ir viešosios erdvės europeizacijos galimybes „iš viršaus“ apsprendžia bent trys skirtingos grupės veiksnių: strateginiai-organizaciniai, politikos komunikacijos kultūros (politikos-žiniasklaidos santykio) ir sociokultūriniai (priklausomybė nuo politinio, ekonominio, socialinio ir kt. konteksto).

The focus of this thesis is on the vertical Europeanisation of the online public debate and more specifically on the EU's online public communication strategy, i.e. the top-down process of the unmediated, direct, online communication between the EU and the general public. The empirical data has been collected in four stages, namely public communication policy-making; public communication policy implementation online; online public communication policy impact on key Internet audiences; and interviews with key senior Commission officials. The review of the EU public communication documents has shown that the Commission has unambiguously committed to facilitate direct communication with the EU public as part of the process of building the EU citizens' trust towards its institutions and in addressing the issues of transparency and democratic legitimation of the EU's decision-making process, while the Internet is seen as a key tool in facilitating direct communication. However, after monitoring three of the EU's official websites for a year and analyzing the views of 221 Internet users on the EU's Information and Communication strategy online, it has become evident that the Commission has not yet fulfilled these commitments. The interviews with key Commission officials have revealed that behind this gap between policy and online implementation lie: a) an institutional culture which conflicts with the aims of the Commission's public communication strategy; and b) constant institutional restructuring in the last six years. Very recently the Commission has begun to address some of the shortfalls in the online implementation of its public communication strategy, yet there is no indication that the results of the online debate regarding the EU's future will be incorporated in the decision-making process, while further study is required in the future in order to assess any change in the institutional culture in relation to its public communication strategy.

There is a lively academic debate concerning US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era and especially after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. Neoconservatism has become a cause celebre in the literature of international relations with a variety of scholars disagreeing as to its supposed impact on Washington's world affairs approach and the Bush administration's decision to remove Saddam Hussein, from power manu militari. This thesis is an analysis of the way this political ideology was interpreted in the European elite media. It will be demonstrated how a significant section of key opinion-forming newspapers of Britain, France, Germany and Italy framed neoconservatism during the administration of Bill Clinton and partly that of George W. Bush. There will be an exploration of whether and how newspapers vary in their coverage. The thesis will outline that the influence of the neoconservatives in US foreign policy can be disputed and will suggest that their ideas can be hardly considered as revolutionary ones. It will then focus on the media coverage and will show that the prominence devoted to neoconservatism by the accessed print sources is a relatively recent phenomenon. The findings indicate that the newspapers differed in their representation of the political ideology only in the period before 9/11 when they mainly discussed it in the context of domestic affairs. By contrast, after the terrorist atrocities and especially since 2003 they linked neoconservatism to US foreign policy and largely focused on it - as opposed to competing international relations theories -, representing it in a remarkably similar way. With the exception of The Times, which followed a comparatively balanced approach, they constructed it as a driving force behind George W. Bush's international politics approach and the war on Iraq. The media emphasis on neoconservatism will be attributed to different factors - such the scapegoat theory - which maybe influenced the journalistic work. The general consensus as to their understanding of neoconservatism and its supposed impact will not support the claim of a European public sphere but will be considered as a positive step towards its possible creation.

La problématique de ce mémoire a pour point d’ancrage la conception antipolitique de la culture en Allemagne présentée par le sociologue allemand Wolf Lepenies. L’appel à la culture au-delà de la politique en RDA aurait bien survécu chez les intellectuels « officiels » est-allemands, d’où la survivance d’une tradition humaniste ancrée dans l’idéalisme allemand du 18ième siècle. Ce mémoire défend à titre d’hypothèses que le primat de la culture sur la politique en RDA n’était pas aussi omniprésent que ne le croit Lepenies, d’une part, et qu’il y a eu d’autre part instrumentalisation de la culture par le parti au pouvoir (SED), qui donna lieu à une idéologisation de l’héritage humaniste des classiques allemands et à une moralisation de la politique. En prenant en compte les intellectuels « inofficiels » est-allemands que Lepenies laisse dans l’ombre et à partir de la confrontation des idéaux-types de l’humanisme politique des Lumières, représenté par les groupes d’opposition qui œuvrèrent de concert avec les Églises protestantes, et de l’humanisme réel, compris comme un prolongement de l’idéologie matérialiste du marxisme qui inspira les politiques du SED et qui concorda avec une ritualisation du travail en RDA, ce mémoire explore l’antithèse de la démocratie et du totalitarisme à la lumière de deux types opposés d’Aufklärung : l’Aufklärung du citoyen et l’Aufklärung de l’homme. / The focus of this study is based on the antipolitical conception of culture in Germany presented by the German sociologist Wolf Lepenies. The appeal to culture beyond politics would have well survived amongst “official” East-German intellectuals, hence the survival of a humanist tradition anchored in the German idealism of the 18th century. This study argues by means of hypotheses that the supremacy of culture over politics in the GDR is not as omnipresent as Lepenies believes it is, on the one hand, and that there is on the other hand an instrumentalization of culture by the party in power (SED), which gave way to an ideologization of the humanist heritage of the German classics and to a moralisation of politics. By considering “inofficial” East-German intellectuals left aside by Lepenies and starting from the confrontation of the ideal-types of political humanism of the Enlightenment, represented by opposition groups which worked along with the protestant Churches, and real humanism, understood as an extension of the materialist ideology stemming from Marxism, which inspired SED politics and which corresponded with a ritualization of labour in the GDR, this study explores the antithesis between democracy and totalitarianism under the light of two types of Aufklärung : the Aufklärung of citizen and the Aufklärung of man.

Ce mémoire porte sur les raisons qu’ont de jeunes adultes québécois de discuter ou non de politique sur Internet. Il s’inscrit dans le contexte général de l’avènement du Web 2.0 et dans le contexte particulier des élections canadiennes de mai 2011. Au niveau théorique, nous avons mobilisé la théorie de l’agir communicationnel du philosophe allemand Jürgen Habermas ainsi que sa conception de la sphère publique. Du point de vue méthodologique, nous avons étudié un échantillon composé de jeunes adultes québécois, hommes et femmes, âgés de 19 à 30 ans, qui habitent à Montréal et dans ses environs. Ces jeunes citoyens ont été interrogés dans le cadre de quatre focus groups. Les données recueillies ont été analysées selon une méthode d’extraction des arguments en accord avec la méthodologie de la reconstruction rationnelle. Les résultats ont permis d’exposer plusieurs raisons qu’ont avancées les jeunes adultes interrogés pour expliquer leur degré de participation à des discussions politiques sur Internet. Celles-­‐ci ont été regroupées en quatre thèmes: le manque de connaissances et l’aspect public; la conscientisation et l’obtention de feedback; la réaction par rapport au contenu, la composition du réseau et la valeur de l’information; le face à face, l’anonymat et les sujets controversés. Ces résultats ont été discutés en considérant ceux obtenus par d’autres chercheurs afin de faire ressortir les apports de cette étude au domaine de la communication. La discussion a également permis d’adopter un point de vue théorique critique pour explorer ce que les résultats de ce mémoire révèlent sur l’état de la sphère publique québécoise. / This master thesis deals with the reasons some young adult Quebecers have to be or not to be involved in political discussions on the Internet. It was written within the general context of the rise of Web 2.0 and within the specific context of the Canadian elections of May 2011. At the theoretical level, we have worked with German philosopher Jürgen Habermas' Theory of Communicative Action along with his conception of the Public Sphere. From a methodological standpoint, we have studied a sample made up of young adult Quebecers, both men and women, aged between 19 and 30, living in Montreal and its surroundings. These young citizens were questioned throughout four focus group sessions. The collected data was analysed with an argument extraction method in accordance with the rational reconstruction methodology. The results allowed us to expose many reasons that could explain the questioned young adults' level of involvement in online political discussion. These reasons were regrouped in four themes: the lack of knowledge and the public aspect; awareness and feedback; reaction based on content, the nature of the network and the value of information; face-­‐to-­‐face conversation, anonymity and controversial topics. In order to highlight the contributions of this study to the field of communication, the results were discussed while considering those obtained by other researchers. The discussion also allowed us to adopt a critical and theoretical point of view to explore what the results of this thesis reveal on the state of the Public Sphere in Quebec.