A travers cette thèse, nous avons saisi des expériences féminines qui sont à l’oeuvre dans la société sénégalaise. De telles expériences qui sont souvent perçues comme « transgressives » par les figures de l’autorité masculine sénégalaise (acteurs religieux et entrepreneurs moraux par exemple) permettent de mettre à jour un Sénégal situédans les tensions d’une glocalisation. Nous avons analysé ce Sénégal comme le site d’une négociation entre ses principes visibles (vertu, morale, tolérance, tradition, etc) et des pratiques de femmes, qui n’ayant plus peur de sortir des canaux de socialisation, explorent de nouvelles subjectivités. Face à ces tensions, prime une culture del’ambivalence incarnée à la fois par les médias, les acteurs moraux et les figures étiquetées péjorativement. En d’autres termes, les médias sont souvent « créateurs » des visibilités « scandaleuses » et peuvent s’aligner derrière les acteurs moraux ou religieux pour défendre la vertu nationale ou l’image de la Sénégalaise. Pour les acteursmoraux, l’ambivalence se situe dans le fait qu’il existe un fossé entre leurs propres pratiques et les principes islamiques qu’ils incarnent et utilisent pour dénoncer des faits perçus comme « scandaleux ». Les figures « transgressives » mobilisent, quant à elles, une identification se référant aux identités religieuses et aux imaginaires sociaux pour ne pas trop s’écarter des cadres normatifs. Toutes ces ambivalences traduisent in fine l’ambivalence d’une société se définissant comme pieuse, vertueuse et « traditionnelle » mais qui est sans cesse débordée par les pratiques d’une jeunesse au diapason d’un monde globalisé. / This doctoral dissertation is an account of current female experiences I observed in Senegalese society. These experiences, often perceived as « transgressive» by Senegalese male authorities, namely religious and other moral guides, allow us to uncover a Senegalese society faced with the pressures of glocalization. Senegalese society is trying to negociate a balance between the preservation of fundamental principles (virtue, morality, tolerance, tradition, etc) and certain behaviours and life styles of women who are no longer afraid to free themselves from established socialization channels and explore new subjectivities. Faced with these tensions, a culture of contradictions is dominant as embodied through various networks namely the media, moral figures, and the female actors labelled negatively. In other words, the media is often the creator of scandalous characters and may support moral and religious figures in their defense of virtue, the country’s moral status, and the image of the Senegalese woman. For moral figures, the contradictions are marked by the fact that there is a big gap between their own practices and the Islamic principles they embody and use to speak against facts they perceive as scandalous. As for the « transgressive » actors, they find ways to relate to religious identities and social imaginaries so as not to distance themselves too much from social norms. All these tensions reflect the contradictions of a society that defines itself as « pious », « virtuous », and «traditional », but that is constantly overwhelmed by the practices of a younger generation in tune with a globalized world.

Cette thèse porte sur la régulation de l’accès à l’espace public des mouvements sociaux représentant les minorités ethnoraciales par l’identité collective de la Nation française. Elle interroge en particulier les processus d’ethnoracialisation des groupes sociaux représentés dans les médias d’information généraliste (les « blancs » et les « non-blancs ») ainsi que la manifestation de la blanchité (whiteness) comme rapport de pouvoir. Elle est basée sur l’étude, effectuée dans une perspective constructiviste d’analyse de discours, de la médiatisation de deux collectifs protestataires, Ni putes ni soumises (mouvement créé en 2002 pour lutter contre les violences de genre dans les banlieues françaises) et le Mouvement des Indigènes de la République (collectif né en 2005 pour dénoncer les discriminations systémiques dont souffrent les personnes issues de l’immigration postcoloniale), dans la presse quotidienne nationale dite « de référence » (le Figaro, le Monde et Libération) et au sein des journaux télévisés de TF1, France 2 et France 3.Cette thèse s’appuie notamment sur les théoriciens de la reconnaissance sociale et la notion foucaldienne de « sujet » ainsi que sur les résultats des méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives effectuées sur corpus. L’analyse, pour chaque groupe protestataire, de son processus d’événementialisation au regard de celle de son identité socio-discursive représentée dans les médias, a montré qu’à l’intérieur de la couverture médiatique de Ni putes ni soumises et du Mouvement des Indigènes de la République, se construit implicitement le Sujet de la Nation française. Ce Sujet, « citoyen modèle » de la communauté nationale en partie défini par son genre et son attribut ethnoracial, circonscrit l’accès à la visibilité sociale des mouvements de protestation et leur possibilité de participer au débat public. / This thesis focuses on the regulation of the access to the public sphere of social movements representing ethnoracial minorities by the collective identity of the French nation. It discusses in particular the ethnoracialisation processes of social groups (the “white” and the “non-white”) represented in the mainstream media and the manifestation of whiteness as a relation of power.It is based on the study, in a constructivist approach to discourse analysis, of the media coverage of two protest groups, Ni putes ni soumises (Neither whores nor submissive, a movement created in 2002 to fight against gender violence in the French working-class suburbs) and the Mouvement des Indigènes de la République (Movement of the Indigenous of the Republic born in 2005 to denounce the systemic discriminations against people of postcolonial immigrant origin), in the national daily press of “reference” (le Figaro, le Monde and Libération) and within the television news of TF1, France 2 and France 3.This thesis is mainly based on the theorists of social recognition, the foucauldian notion of “subject”, and the results of quantitative and qualitative methods conducted on the corpus. The analysis, for each protest group, of its process of becoming-event in relation with its socio-discursive identity represented in the media, showed that within the media coverage of Ni putes ni soumises and the Mouvement des Indigènes de la République, the Subject of the French nation is implicitly built. This subject, the “model citizen” of the national community, who is partly defined by its gender and its ethnoracial attribute, limits and defines the protest groups access to social visibility and their ability to participate in the public debate.

Paris et Londres offrent des sites privilégiés pour l’observation du nouveau regard porté sur la ville à la fin de l’époque des Lumières. Notre démonstration, basée sur des récits de voyage, des traités d’architecture et d’autres écrits sur la ville, vise à élaborer une histoire culturelle et littéraire de la ville à travers un volet de coopération histoire/poétique des représentations. Dans un premier temps, l’étude des projets urbains formulés à Paris et à Londres permet de dégager deux modalités complémentaires du rapport au phénomène urbain : la magnificence publique et l’utilité publique. Entre ces deux pôles émergent les concepts d’embellissement et d’improvement qui relèvent d’un imaginaire artistique et, respectivement, technique. En outre, cette réflexion générale sur l’aménagement urbain favorise l’émergence d’un espace public des savoirs, observée à travers deux cartes des lieux de savoirs à Paris et à Londres, élaborées par nos soins.Dans un deuxième temps, nous esquissons une poétique comparée de la ville qui permet de montrer l’imbrication des enjeux esthétiques et épistémologiques dans la description urbaine. D’une part, l’émergence de la théorie du caractère en architecture explique le lien entre les processus de lecture de la ville, la pratique de la réunion des arts et l’embellissement urbain. D’autre part, l’analyse comparée des différentes descriptions urbaines fait ressortir la circulation des modèles descriptifs de la ville. Le modèle de la cité idéale en particulier démontre parfaitement le réseau subtil de connivences qui se tissent à cette époque entre les formes urbaines et les formes discursives. / The two great European capitals, Paris and London, are emblematic of the phenomenon of urban growth in the second half of the Enlightenment. The aim of our study, based on travelogues, architectural treatises and other writings on the two cities, is to elaborate a cultural and literary history of Paris and London by means of a multiple approach of the concept of representation which combines history and poetics. On the one hand, the analysis of the urban projects designed for Paris and London allows us to pinpoint two complementary manners of conceiving the city: public magnificence and public utility. Between these two poles emerge the concepts of embellissement and (urban) improvement which stem from an artistic and, respectively, technical urban imaginary. Moreover, the general debate on urban improvement fosters the emergence of a public sphere of science, demonstrated through two maps of places of science in Paris and London, conceived for the purposes of this study.On the other hand, a poetic approach of these urban representations shows the overlapping of aesthetic and epistemological issues. Firstly, the emergence of the architectural concept of character accounts for the link between the process of reading the city, the collaboration of arts at this time and urban improvement. Secondly, the comparative analysis of different types of urban descriptions allows us to demonstrate the circulation of several descriptive patterns, among which the pattern of the ideal city is the perfect embodiment of the subtle connections between urban forms and forms of discourse in the second half of the Enlightenment.

This thesis presents an analysis of the public sphere in the environment of two different media types. The analysis is performed on the basis of the extent of different participants in the media contents which were related to the declaration of the ban on selling alcohol spirits in the Czech Republic in September 2012. The theoretical part of the paper is focused primarily on the definition of the basic concepts, such as new and traditional media, the public and the public sphere, then also on normative theories in general, along with a more detailed view on the normative theory of the public sphere, within which the paper is focused on participatory and discursive model of Jürgen Habermas. The second part of the paper provides on the basis of quantitative research, which was preceded by qualitative analysis, an empirical comparison of the extent of different participants and their access to the content of both media types. It also provides an overview of applied topics and contextual frameworks through which was a declaration of the ban on selling alcohol spirits in the media reported. In the conclusion, there is a statement which is based on the evaluation of the collected data. It was concluded, that the public sphere in the internet environment is not, considering the extent of participation of...

This study focuses on the internet as a public space and explores the emotionality of this area. It is also approached as a case study which investigates the relationship between emotionality and commercialization. In the theoretical part, the concept of the public space and especially its changes that came with the internet and social networks is specified for the reader, to provide a general overview essential to the results of this work. Furthermore, the theme of the communication via internet is defined and the identification of emotions in media communication is explained in the theoretical part. The practical part analyses in which intensity the mass media use the tools of the expressibility on their facebook profiles. These mass media were purposely chosen, one being commercial and the next one the public service television, whose function is to support the social cohesiveness and to cultivate the language. The representatives are television TV Nova and radio Rádio Impuls as the commercial media, television Česká televize and radio Český rozhlas as the public service media. The findings of this thesis provide the insight into the issues and point out the difficult position of the public service media on the social networks.

This study concerns political communication in general, and right-wing populist PR in particular. Research shows that the role of mass media in liberal democracies has changed as a result of emerging social- and alternative media. Political parties no longer need news media to spread their agenda, which proves an opportunity for right-wing populist parties to reach a broader audience. This study aims to determine how The Sweden Democrats, as Sweden’s largest right-wing populist party, communicate through the use of PR-activities. Building on existing work on the content of populist communication, this study aims to show not only what the party communicate but also how they communicate. The ambition is to enable a discussion on the possible effects of right-wing populist communication in liberal democracy.   Based on Habermas’ theory of the public sphere, a critical discourse analysis was carried out on two of the Sweden Democrat’s PR-activities. Analysis on the examples demonstrates use of a populist discourse as well as the use of manipulative persuasive strategies. The results indicate that right-wing populist communication have a negative effect on democracy. The Sweden Democrats utilize discontent and fear as a foundation for totalitarian reasoning, through a use of strategy that neglects the value of democracy. Based on the results the public sphere is recommended as a normative vision for political debate. Further research is needed on how right-wing populist parties communicate in Sweden and internationally, as well as how the use of strategic communication can be transformed to better serve democratic politics.

[pt] Esta é uma pesquisa sobre rádios comunitárias em áreas periféricas, tendose elegido como casos de estudos as rádios Novos Rumos, em Queimados, e Onda Livre, em São João de Meriti, ambas na Baixada Fluminense. Diante da proliferação de rádios comunitárias nos últimos anos no Brasil e do debate em torno de sua regulamentação, urge a melhor compreensão do trabalho dessas rádios. O objetivo é compreender as motivações e estratégias para a criação de um rádio comunitária. Como ela se articula com a vida associativa local e qual o significado e desafio da criação de um espaço público alternativo, considerando áreas marginalizadas e onde práticas políticas autoritárias são uma constante. / [en] This is a research about radio community in peripheral areas. We have chosen two radios: Novos Rumos, in Queimados, and Onda Livre, São João de Meriti, both located in a region called Baixada Fluminense. Due to a proliferation of radios in the last years in Brazil and the large debate about their regulation, it is important to understand their practice. Our goal is to achieve a better understanding of the motivations and strategies for the implementation of a radio community. How they are articulated to the local life and what is the meaning and the challenges for the construction of a radio community, considering marginalized areas, where authoritarian political practices area common.

[pt] Esta pesquisa analisa a comunicação visual para orientação no espaço urbano da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, seus emissores, veículos e receptores, com o propósito de avaliar a sua abrangência discursiva e especular sobre seu provável potencial de aproximação entre as áreas informais, ou de origem informal, e o conjunto da cidade, contribuindo para a declarada intenção da prefeitura de integrar todo o ambiente urbano. Retratando a realidade social e morfológica de cinco comunidades do bairro Maré, de origem informal, observa as atuações e omissões dos agentes oficiais responsáveis por esta comunicação no espaço público; identifica necessidades de mudanças de paradigma, adaptações ergonômicas e enunciativas, para que os sistemas de comunicação visual voltados para a orientação nos espaços de origem informal, adensados e orgânicos, possam se constituir em poderoso instrumento no fortalecimento da presença do poder público nestas áreas. / [en] This research investigates the visual communication for orientation in the urban spaces of the city of Rio de Janeiro, its emitters, media, and receptors, with the purpose of evaluating its discursive extension and to speculate on its probable approach potential among the informal (or of informal origin) areas, and the group of the city, contributing to the declared town hall intention of integrating the whole urban environment. Portraying the social and morphological reality of five informally originated communities of the district Maré, it observes the actions and omissions of the official agents responsible for this communication in the public space and it identifies needs of paradigm changes, and ergonomic and enunciative adaptations, so that the systems of visual communication for orientation in these places, dense and organic, could be a powerful instrument to strengthen the public power in these places.

O presente estudo procura estabelecer, a partir de uma reavaliação e atualização dos estudos de Jürgen Habermas sobre esfera pública e direito, os fundamentos teóricos e práticos do Direito da Comunicação, uma teoria crítica do direito que restabelece o vínculo interno entre direito e esfera pública política, e com isso fornece um modelo complementar a teoria procedimental de Habermas, fortalecendo as condições para a produção de uma legitimidade democrática do poder em sociedades pluralistas. / The present work aims at establishing, through a reevaluation and actualization of Jürgen Habermas studies on public sphere and law, the theoretical and practical grounds of Communication Law, a critical theory of law that recovers the internal relation between law and the political public sphere, and in doing so, provides a complementary model to Habermas procedural theory, enhancing the conditions for the production of a democratic legitimacy of power in pluralist societies.

A tese aborda a comunicação estatal pró-ativa como garantia de direitos constitucionais em Estados Democráticos de Direito. Para tanto, apresenta excertos jurídicos da Teoria do Estado, o conceito de público segundo disciplinas das Ciências Sociais, com destaque para a publicidade estatal habermasiana, chegando às diversas reflexões dos pesquisadores italianos sobre a comunicação pública, suas subdivisões e modelos. Desses modelos resulta a sugestão de uma proposta passível de aplicação no Brasil e em outros países da América do Sul, particularmente Colômbia e Venezuela, para uma comunicação estatal pró-ativa capaz de garantir direitos fundamentais nas suas sociedades, se possível por meio de emendas constitucionais. / The thesis focuses on States proactive communication as a guarantee of constitutional rights in Democratic States. To this matter, presents legal excerpts from State Theory, the concept of Public based on Social Sciences disciplines, highlighting States propaganda as Habermas posits it, reaching several reflections of Italian researchers on public communication, its subdivisions and models. From these models originated a suggestion of a proposal applicable to Brazil and other South American countries, particularly Colombia and Venezuela, of a proactive State communication capable of guaranteeing fundamental rights in their societies, if possible through constitutional amendments.