La censure de la musique existe depuis l’antiquité. Aristote et Platon ont rappelé le danger de la mimesis musicale et sa valeur morale a été largement discutée par les Pères de l’église, mais le débat est également enflammé à l’époque moderne, lorsque l’on trouve deux tendances fondamentales sur les fronts catholiques et réformés : d’un côté le rôle central de la musique pour la liturgie, de l’autre le contrôle des autorités ecclésiastiques à tous les aspects de la vie des fidèles (la religion, les lectures, les croyances magiques, les habitudes alimentaires et sexuelles, et toutes les formes de sociabilité desquelles la musique est l’ingrédient essentiel). Un examen des sources peut montrer qu’aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles, le domaine dans lequel on trouve une formulation claire et des réponses à cette problématique n’est pas l’humanisme laïque. Les intérêts des humanistes se concentrent sur la reconstruction d’une grammaire des affects qui est un alibi pour l’émancipation de la musique moderne, la seconda pratiqua, et la capacité de la musique à provoquer les affects importe davantage que sa faculté à leur imposer une limite. C’est dans le terrain de la théologie et de la casuistique qu’on discute l’aspect éthique de la question. Le concile de Trente (1564) et les édits diocésains condamnent le chromatisme, la messe parodie et l’utilisation des répertoires musicaux profanes dans la liturgie. La censure de la Congrégation de l’Index et du Saint Office s’étend à toutes les pratiques de communication populaire écrites et orales, et notamment au pétrarquisme. De Savonarole à Descartes, toutes les tentatives de déterminer la valeur affective des éléments de la composition supposent un diagnostic sur les facultés de l’âme et sur ses opérations lors de la fascination. La grammaire polyphonique peut modifier par ses tressages sonores le rapport entre le texte et la mélodie, détourner l’attention et conduire l’auditeur à une transgression émotionnelle (altérité, alienatio, excessus mentis). Étant donnée la corruption de la nature humaine, l’abandon au plaisir de la mélodie constitue un désordre coupable, sans commune mesure avec la musique qui pouvait bercer l’âme harmonieuse du premier homme. Reste, comme remède, la grâce sanctifiante du texte révélé des psaumes, à utiliser comme frein modérateur pour tempérer la puissance émotive de la musique. / Is it possible to censure music? This question may sound rather extravagant, and this is perhaps why music is often overlooked in studies on ecclesiastical censorship in the early modern period, for it would seem that its very essence is incompatible with any form of control. In fact, the huge transformation the Catholic Church had to face, between the sixteenth and the seventeenth century, had a big impact on the music scene. Unavoidably, music was involved in the disputes between Catholics and Protestants as essential liturgical element. The musicologists have mainly studied the Council of Trent action, which seemed to be animated by the desire to remove the secular textual and melodic components from the church repertory. Therefore, Rome became the main center of production for sacred and spiritual music used in celebrations, devotional practices and also in teaching catechism. The case of the Society of Jesus is exemplar: music represent a powerful means of education in college programs, and a strategic tool in the catechesis work. To the enhancement of spiritual genres corresponds as well the will of ‘suppress’ the profane repertories. This is well documented during the age of Counter Reformation, by the variety of cases of ‘‘travestimento’’ which invest canzonette and madrigals. This attitude was also proved by some of the measures the ecclesiastical censure adopted against the vocal production since the seventies of the sixteenth century. In ancient Greek musical theory, harmony was seen as being endowed with a natural virtue capable of altering the rational faculties of the listener’s soul, to the extent of depriving that person of his freedom. The many ethical implications of this classical axiom featured in early modern theological debates. My thesis tries to provide a first answer to these questions by studying the conciliar decrees, the documents of the Index Congregation, the treatises on music and the manuals on demonology. These sources reveal musical censorship did not only involve zealous inquisitors battling with some licentious musician, but also the language of worship and the circulation of prohibited knowledge, which included dangers in the form of sounds that went beyond erotic seduction.

Mon travail de doctorat porte sur l’implication des enfants et des jeunes gens dans les phénomènes de sorcellerie qui se sont déroulés au Pays Basque de la fin du XVe siècle au début du XVIIe siècle. Mon corpus d'analyse comporte des traités de l'époque, des minutes de procès inquisitoriaux, ainsi que des documents officiels provenant des autorités. A travers l'examen en archives des différentes pièces, j'ai cherché à savoir qui étaient ces enfants et ces jeunes gens, à connaître leur âge, leur condition sociale et leur profil psychologique. D'autres questions ont surgi au cours de ma recherche : combien y a-t-il eu d'enfants concernés en fonction des années et du contexte socio-économique ? Quelle a été la place des rêves et de l’imagination dans ces phénomènes de sorcellerie ? Quelles ont été les répercussions des procès sur l'ensemble de la société ? J'ai pu mettre au jour le rôle joué par ces enfants et ces jeunes gens dans la progression, la propagation, l’expression et la matérialisation des actes tenant à la sorcellerie. Dans un deuxième temps, je me suis intéressée plus particulièrement à un évènement majeur de cette histoire : la chasse aux sorcières de Zugarramurdi qui a conduit à l’autodafé de Logroño en 1610. Je tente grâce aux documents d’époque, qu’il s’agisse de procès, de traités, de documents officiels en tous genres, de faire surgir un profil type de ces enfants et de ces jeunes gens et de proposer des faits une interprétation globale. Mon hypothèse de départ est que certains ont revêtu un habit de victime, d’autres de bourreau, et certains des deux à la fois dans un jeu subtil. J’essaie également de déterminer quelle fut la réaction et la réponse des autorités, des élites et du peuple face à cette dynamique de peur du diable et de châtiment alimentée en grande partie par les enfants eux-mêmes. Enfin, je m’emploie à déterminer la spécificité de la Péninsule Ibérique en matière de sorcellerie et à montrer que l’autodafé de Logroño de 1610 a marqué une évolution décisive dans la prise en compte de ces phénomènes de sorcellerie — notamment à travers l'écriture de traités sur la question novateurs —, ce qui signale un changement des mentalités de l’époque. / My PHD thesis tackles children’s and young people’s involvement in the witchcraft phenomena which happened in the Basque Country at the end of the 15th Century and at the beginning of the 17th century. My corpus of analysis is composed of treatises written at that time, of minutes from inquisitorial trials, as well as of official documents issued by authorities. By examining the different texts in the archives, I endeavoured to find out who these children and young people were, their age, their social statuses and their psychological profiles. More questions arose during my research: how many children were involved depending on the years and on the socio-economical context? What part did dreams and imagination play in those witchcraft phenomena? What were the repercussions of the trials for the whole society? I managed to bring to light the role played by these children and these young people in the progression, the spreading, the expression and the materialization of the acts relating to witchcraft. Secondly, I particularly turned my attention to a major event of this period that is Zugarramurdi witch hunt, which led to Logroño auto-da-fé in 1610. Thanks to the documents written at that period – trial minutes, treatises, and various official documents alike – I tried to discover the typical profile of those children and those young people and to suggest a global interpretation for the facts. My premise is that some of the children and young people played the part of victims, others of torturers, and some of both in a subtle way. I also attempted to establish what were the responses and reaction of the authorities, the elite and the people in that climate of Fear of the Devil and that of Punishment, a fear which was mainly fed by children themselves. Finally, I applied myself to determining the specificity of the Iberian Peninsula in terms of witchcraft and to showing that the Logroño auto-da-fé of 1610 marked a decisive evolution in the way people perceived those phenomena of witchcraft, which can be notably noticed in the innovative treatises that were written after that date. This new vision indicates a change in mentalities at that period.

À l’avènement de Charles Ier, le tribunal de l’Inquisition faisait l’objet d’une intense controverse juridique. La cour fut contrainte, pour assurer sa survie, de choisir les leviers de son institutionnalisation. Or, entre 1516 et 1556, la pérennisation du Saint-Office s’était accompagnée d’un élargissement sans précédent du périmètre d’attributions inquisitoriales. L’analyse, dans une première partie, des conditions de l’exercice judiciaire dégage les caractères de la juridicisation à l’œuvre. Ces évolutions prolongeaient la consécration de l’autorité de la chose jugée inquisitoriale impulsée entre 1507 et 1516. Au moyen des garanties fonctionnelles – double degré de juridiction et collégialité – ainsi que du contrôle a posteriori des actes, l’Inquisition put répondre à la controverse juridique. Par le biais d’une étude du traitement de la question mahométane et des blasphèmes, la seconde partie présente les modes d’application de la juridicité ainsi définie et met en évidence l’émergence d’une fonction administrative. Parce que l’Inquisition s’était mise au service d’une police religieuse, elle inaugurait des aménagements procéduraux inédits. La cour était désormais investie d’une fonction de connaissance afin de garantir l’ordre religieux. La troisième partie dégage les caractères de l’action inquisitoriale face aux nouvelles hérésies. En suivant la piste du scandale actif et passif, l’Inquisition formalisa l’illuminisme, quadrilla le territoire par la régulation de l’évangélisme érasmien et surveilla l’émergence des nouveaux foyers hétérodoxes espagnols tout en investissant les matières relatives à la discipline de l’état ecclésiastique et à l’édification des fidèles. / When Charles I came to the throne, the Spanish Inquisition became the subject of an intense legal battle. In order to ensure its survival, the Court was obliged to find ways of institutionalising it. As it was, the establishment of the Holy Office was accompanied by an unprecedented expansion of the role of the Inquisition. The first part of this work looks at the conditions of the judicial system and how these defined the way in which juridicisation developed. These developments confirmed the consecration of the authority over things deemed inquisitorial, that had been initiated between 1507 & 1516. Through functional guarantees – a double level of jurisdiction and collegiality – and through powers of judicial control, the Inquisition was able to react to the controversy. By way of a study of the treatment of the Mohammedan question and of blasphemy, the second part describes how the jurisdiction was applied, and shows how an administrative function developed. As the Inquisition put itself at the service of religious police, it led to novel ways of adapting existing procedures.The third part shows how the Inquisition acted in the face of new heresies. The Court was henceforth empowered with a right to know, to enable it to guarantee religious order. By actively and passively fomenting scandals, the Holy Office formalised Illuminism, established control of the territory by regulating Erasmian evangelism, and kept a lookout for the emergence of new pockets of heterodoxy in Spain; at the same time it developed the tools needed for a disciplined ecclesiastical state and the edification of the faithful.

Jean Bréhal est un dominicain normand, docteur en théologie, qui s’est fait un nom en tant qu’inquisiteur du royaume de France, non pas en traquant l’hérésie, ou en poursuivant des sorcières, mais en annulant des condamnations, et plus particulièrement celle de la Pucelle d’Orléans, vingt-cinq ans après le bûcher de Rouen. Sa longévité dans l’officio inquisitionis (de 1452 à 1474), sous les règnes de Charles VII et de Louis XI, contraste avec le nombre réduit d’affaires qu’il a instruites, d’après les sources. Aussi on peut se demander s’il fait figure d’exception, ou s’il est inquisiteur exemplaire de la fin du Moyen Âge. Le «cas Bréhal» invite à examiner la charge d’inquisiteur après le Concile de Vienne, dans le contexte particulier, à la fois d’un territoire encore marqué par les antagonismes de la guerre de Cent ans, et d’une Église éprouvée par le Grand Schisme et ses séquelles. Sur la base d’un corpus composé principalement des écrits du dominicain, dont certains éléments sont des manuscrits inédits, mais dont le noyau est constitué par la procédure en nullité de la condamnation de Jeanne d’Arc, cette thèse se propose non seulement d’appréhender l’homme et son parcours, mais aussi et surtout sa pensée, d’analyser son écriture scolastique, de saisir le sens de son action, percer ses motivations, et peut-être comprendre la nature du «pouvoir» qu’il a incarné pendant plusieurs décennies. Au final, c’est une époque, des milieux, et la situation d’un office, que cette étude centrée sur Jean Bréhal éclaire, tout autant que la spécificité d’un individu. Elle a surtout pour but de faire connaître une œuvre qui embrasse des champs variés et des centres d’intérêts divers. / Jean Bréhal is a Dominican friar from Normandy and a theology professor, who became renowned as an inquisitor in the kingdom of France, neither for tracking down heresy nor pursuing witches, but for quashing sentences, more especially the sentence of condemnation of the Maid of Orléans, twenty five years after she was burnt at the stake in Rouen. The longevity of his tenure in the officium inquisitionis (from 1452 until 1474), in the reigns of Charles VII and Louis XI, contrasts with how few investigations he actually conducted, according to the documentation. So we wonder whether he was an exception or exemplary for the late Middle Ages. The “Bréhal case” suggests looking upon the office of inquisitor after the Council of Vienne, in the particular context of a territory that was still scarred by the divisions of the Hundred Years’ war, and of a Church that had been tested by the Great Schism and its aftermaths. Our corpus mostly consists of the Dominican’s own writings, of which some documents are unpublished manuscripts, and its core lies in the trial of nullification of the condemnation of Joan of Arc. On that basis, the aim of this thesis is to know not only the man and his journey but also, and above all, his thinking, to parse his scholastic prose, to grasp the meaning of his action, to discover his motivation, and to understand the nature of the “power” that he has embodied over several decades. Eventually, this study, while focusing on Jean Bréhal, sheds light as much on a time, a world and the state of an office, as on the specificities of one individual. Above all, its goal is to introduce readers to a body of works that contains various fields and interests.

Le but de cette thèse est d’étudier comment, suite à la conquête de l’Amérique, les Européens se sont approprié des plantes médicinales d’origine mexicaine, caribéenne, andine, ou amazonienne. L’usage fréquent que les praticiens européens du XVIIIe siècle font de substances telles que le quinquina, l'ipécacuanha, le bois de gaïac ou encore le chocolat, révèle l’ampleur du phénomène, mais en masque la complexité. L’emploi d’un remède originaire d’Amérique en Europe implique en effet de nombreux processus. Le prélèvement et la mise en culture des végétaux, la transmission des savoirs indigènes et leur traduction par les allogènes, la commercialisation des drogues à travers l'Atlantique, les expériences réalisées sur les remèdes et les expéditions organisées en Amérique entre le XVIe et le XVIIIe siècle sont ainsi au cœur de cette recherche. Plus qu’un « apport » de l’Amérique à l’Europe, ce phénomène d’appropriation doit être appréhendé comme une modalité du fait colonial. Objet naturel, et en même temps savoir naturaliste et médical, la plante médicinale devient à la suite de la conquête de l’Amérique un enjeu politique. Elle suscite, en 1570, l’une des premières expéditions scientifiques de l’histoire, et inspire à la monarchie espagnole divers projets de monopole au milieu du XVIIIe siècle. De l’autre côté de l’Atlantique, elle est au cœur des conflits opposant l’« Indien » à l’Espagnol, lorsque le second interdit au premier d’utiliser des plantes abortives ou hallucinogènes, et lorsque le premier refuse de transmettre ses savoirs pharmacologiques au second. / The aim of this dissertation is to study how, in the aftermath of the Conquest of America, Europeans have appropriated medicinal plants from Mexican, Caribbean, Andean, or Amazonian origin. 18th century European practitioners frequently used substances such as Peruvian bark, ipecacuanha, gaiacum wood, or chocolate – which reveals the extent of the phenomena, yet masks its complexity. Using an American remedy in Europe indeed implied many processes. Crucial to this research are: the sampling and growing of plants; the transmission of indigenous knowledge and its translation by allogenous; the drug trade across the Atlantic; experiences carried out on remedies; and expeditions conducted in America between the 16th and the 18th centuries. More than a “contribution” of America to Europe, this phenomenon of appropriation must be understood as a modality of colonialism. As natural object, and at the same time as naturalistic and medical knowledge, medicinal plants took on a political stake after the Conquest of America. For instance, while in 1570 they had been the target of one of the first scientific expeditions in history, in the middle of the 18th century they also led the Spanish crown to undertake various monopolistic projects. On the other side of the Atlantic, it was at the heart of conflicts between the “Indian” and the Spaniard, when the latter forbade the former from using abortive or hallucinogenic plants, and when the former refused to transmit his pharmacological knowledge to the latter.

Cette thèse explore la caractérisation et le rôle du Juif dans l'un des textes antisémites les plus controversés du XVIIe siècle en Espagne : Centinela contra judíos (Sentinelle contre les Juifs), composée par le franciscain Fray Francisco de Torrejoncillo. Il a été largement lu à son époque et a été imprimé treize fois dans la péninsule ibérique, avec neuf éditions en espagnol et quatre en portugais entre 1674 et 1748. Cependant, la recherche sur la Sentinelle à ce jour a été très déficiente, car il n'y a pas d’édition du texte en espagnol, ni études critiques pertinentes du point de vue culturel et littéraire. Seul l'historien François Soyer a produit une analyse détaillée de la Sentinelle, qui contient également une traduction annotée du texte anglais. Cependant, sa décision d'écrire pour un public anglophone est un obstacle non négligeable pour le lecteur hispanophone, tout comme son approche éminemment historique laisse place à d'autres types de perspectives analytiques complémentaires. Grâce à la première transcription annotée de Centinela contra judíos en espagnol, notre travail offre aux lecteurs hispanophones une édition académique accessible, qui distingue pour la première fois clairement les textes des éditions madrilènes de 1674 (Julián de Paredes) et 1676 (Ioseph Fernández de Buendía), qui contiennent des différences notables non signalées auparavant par les critiques. Nous proposons également une analyse littéraire et culturelle de la Sentinelle, utilisant l'appareil de la tératologie afin d'identifier et de reconnaître son Juif comme un monstre plutôt qu'un être humain. Ce passage d'homme à bête a eu de graves conséquences pour les victimes de la campagne de répression religieuse menée par le Saint-Office, mais il a également touché les catholiques qui se sont vus dans le rôle de héros, contraints d'effacer toute trace de la culture hébraïque de son pays natal. Nous considérons la possibilité que l'expérience juive dans la péninsule ibérique soit, à un niveau plus fondamental, une histoire de monstres, et que la caractérisation du Juif dans la Sentinelle soit révélatrice d'une telle histoire. Dans le premier chapitre, nous présentons Torrejoncillo et son livre dans son contexte historique, ainsi que l'influence de l'antisémitisme en Espagne avant la publication de la Sentinelle et la structure de l'ouvrage lui-même. Le chapitre 2 explore les éléments centraux de la tératologie et de la monstruosité, que Torrejoncillo utilisera pour fabriquer son juif monstrueux. Basé sur des textes théoriques de Cohen, Kristeva et Befu, l'altérité, l'abjection, l'hybridité et l'évasion sont quelques-uns des concepts d'ancrage, chacun ayant un rôle unique et récurrent dans la construction des monstres de l'âge classique au 21e siècle. Enfin, au chapitre 3, nous appliquons ce qui a été élaboré sur le monstre et ses fondements culturels et théoriques à la figure juive de la Sentinelle. / This thesis explores the characterization and role of the Jew in one of the most polemical antisemitic texts from seventeenth-century Spain: the Centinela contra judíos, by the Franciscan friar Francisco de Torrejoncillo. This book was widely printed and read in its time, not only in the original Spanish but in Portuguese translation as well, with thirteen individual printings between 1674 and 1748. Nevertheless, scholarship on the Centinela has been severely lacking to date, with no modern academic version in Spanish of the text to speak of, and no literary criticism done on the book at all. Those who wish to read the Centinela itself will find only raw copies of the centuries-old originals, scanned in and uploaded to the National Library of Spain’s website, with none of the annotations, citations, and explanations necessary to understand it. Furthermore, just one researcher, François Soyer, has produced any detailed scholarly analysis of the Centinela at all, which includes a translation of the 1676 version into English with commentary and footnotes. However, the entirely historical focus of his work, combined with his choice to write for an anglophone readership, presents an obstacle for the Spanish-speaking reader, and indeed for bilingual readers more interested in approaching the Centinela from a literary perspective. By means of the first annotated transcription of the Centinela in modern standard Spanish, we now provide a scholarly text accessible to Spanish speakers who either cannot read Soyer’s English translation, or would prefer to read and analyze Fray Francisco’s book in the language that it was originally written in. We also provide literary criticism and analysis of the same, using a teratological approach based on the writings of Kristeva, Cohen, and Befu, that identifies the Jew in the Centinela as a monster instead of a human being. This change from person to beast carried grave consequences for both the victims of religious and ethnic oppression during the Inquisition and those who sought to remove all vestiges of Hebrew culture from the Spanish homeland. We consider the possibility that the Jewish experience in Spain is, at its heart, a history of and about monsters, and that the characterization of the Jew in Fray Francisco’s book is indicative of this history. The first chapter of three in our analysis presents the Centinela in its historical context, touching on Torrejoncillo’s contemporaries, the influence of antisemitism in Spain prior to the book’s publication, and the structure of the work itself. Chapter 2 explores historical and contemporary fundamentals of monster theory, the building blocks with which Torrejoncillo will build his monstrous Jew. Otherness, abjection, hybridity, and escapism are central concepts in this chapter, among several others, each having a unique yet recurring role in the construction of monsters from antiquity to the present time. Finally, in chapter 3, we apply what we now understand about the monster and its theoretical and cultural underpinnings to the Jewish figure in the Centinela.

<p>This dissertation challenges depictions of witchcraft as a sensational or disruptive phenomenon, presenting witch beliefs instead as organically woven into everyday community life, religious beliefs, and village culture. It argues that witch beliefs were adaptive, normal, and rational in regions that never suffered convulsive witch persecutions. Furthermore, this dissertation, the first to work systematically through Spanish secular court witch trials, upends scholars’ views about the dominance of the Spanish Inquisition in witchcraft prosecutions. Through a serial study of secular court records, this dissertation reveals that the local court of Navarra poached dozens of witch trials from the Spanish Inquisition, and independently prosecuted over one hundred accused witches over one hundred-and-fifty years. These overlooked local sources document witch beliefs in far greater detail than Inquisition records and allow the first reconstruction of village-level witch beliefs in Spain. Drawing from historical, anthropological, and literary methods, this dissertation employs a transdisciplinary approach to examine the reports from villagers, parish priests, and jurists, produced under the specific local and older accusatorial judicial procedure. Free of the Inquisitorial filter that has dominated previous studies of Spanish witchcraft, these sources reveal the way villagers—not Inquisitors—conceived of, created, feared, and survived in a world with witches and sorceresses.</p><p>Using these local sources, this dissertation illuminates the complex social webs of witchcraft accusations, the pathways of village gossip, and the inner logic of witch beliefs. It reveals the central role of Catholic performativity and the grave consequences of being marked as a mala cristiana, the importance of fama and kin ties, and reveals the rationality of the curious and pervasive presence of the common toad (Bufo bufo) in Navarra’s witch trials. By moving away from the prevalent focus given to the more spectacular witch panics and trials, this work demonstrates the value of local trial records. This dissertation argues that far from irrational or absurd, witchcraft beliefs in early modern Navarra were internally coherent and intellectually informed by an amalgamation of religious, social, and legal forces.</p> / Dissertation

The cathar heresy in southern France Abstract: This master's degree work deals the history of the cathar heresy in the area of southern France from the mid-12th century to the 1st third of the 14th century. It supplies the minute description of the historic events, that influenced the development of the cathar church and trace the changes in the political, religious and social sphere that accompanied it. The work sketches out the base of the cathar doctrine along with the structures of the cathar ecclesiastic hierarchy. On the base of the accessible sources and literature, it takes aim in charting the fates of the cathar heresy from the point where it first emerges in the historical sources, through the period of its development in the space of Occitania and the crusade against cathars, as far as its slow destruction during the activity of the papal inquisition. The work tries to handle the social and political phenomena, which partook in the development of the heresy and describe the change they undertook in the era of its persecution. This works brings new impulse for the study of the issue of the history of the cathar heresy and its relation with other heretical groups into the Czech academic sphere. Key words: cathars, heresy, Middle Ages, history of France, crusade, inquisition

In the territory of the current Czech Republic, the first written mention of the negative perception of magic appeared as early as in the 11th century, but it was only in the 14th century when the prohibitions to practice magic got more precise contours. Legally, the offense of witchcraft in Municipal and Capital Crime Codes only was defined in the 16th and the 17th century. It was at the turn of these centuries when we saw increase in processes with persons accused of abusing spells. However, in most prosecutions of that time, the abuses of megic only were secondary charges and the perpetrators were condemned, only occurred in the Czech Kingdom rarely. Only the persecution of witches in some of the Silesian principalities and in northern Moravia during the 17th century got out these trends. In northern Moravia, the largest witch trials took place in the years 1679 - 1696 in the Velké Losiny estate and in the town of Šumperk, where 81 alleged sorcerers and witches were killed. Like in many other cases, also here the outbreak of local witch trials was inspired by a stolen host. Court proceedings took place under the direction of Judge Heinrich Franz Boblig of Edelstadt, who for many years gained the trust of the local nobility. Although the legislation continued to contain criminal offense against witchcraft...

Neste trabalho buscou-se estudar a Inquisição portuguesa em dois períodos distintos. Primeiramente, objetivou-se compreender o período, a partir de 1720, no qual ocorreram os picos da repressão do Santo Ofício português em relação a práticas de feitiçaria, sendo justamente os feiticeiros o objeto do estudo. Pretendeu-se analisar a visão e os procedimentos da Inquisição no tocante a esse tipo de práticas e crenças. O segundo objetivo do trabalho consistiu em analisar o período de declínio da instituição inquisitorial, após a década de 70 do século XVIII, interessando, por um lado, o esforço de manutenção da Inquisição e, por outro, a descrença em relação às atuações dos feiticeiros e seus poderes. Pretendeu-se apreender diálogos existentes entre a autoridade oficial (católica) e o lado extra-oficial (feiticeiros), bem como entender o posicionamento da Inquisição posta entre esses que contatavam o sagrado sem o intermédio eclesiástico e os ilustrados, cujas luzes da razão vinham se desenrolando ao longo dos Setecentos. / This work aimed to study the Portuguese Inquisition in two distinct moments. In a first moment, it aimed to understand the period starting at 1720, in which occurred the peaks of the Holy Offices repression to practices of sorcery, being sorcerers the object of study. It was intended to analyze the points of view and procedures of the Inquisition concerning such practices and beliefs. The second objective was to assess the period of decline of the inquisitorial institution, after the 1770s, interesting, on one hand, the Inquisitions effort to maintain herself and, on the other hand, a disbelief concerning the actions of sorcerers and their powers. It was intended to capture the dialogues between the official (Catholic) and unofficial (sorcerers) sides, as well as to understand the positioning of the Inquisition put between those who contacted the sacred without the ecclesiastical intermediate, and the enlightenment men, whose lights of reason had been unfolding along the 18th century.