Dans le cadre de ce mémoire, nous nous sommes penchée sur la situation des familles immigrantes originaires du Maroc. En mobilisant les notions de solidarités familiales (Pitrou, 1978; Dandurand et Ouellette, 1992), de transnationalisme (Glick Schiller et al., 1992 et 1995) ainsi que les travaux sur les liens entre réseaux sociaux et modifications des rôles conjugaux, nous avons examiné l’impact de la migration sur l’organisation du foyer selon trois aspects : (1) la dynamique interne de la famille, (2) la redéfinition des rôles conjugaux et (3) le maintien des liens familiaux malgré la distance géographique. En nous appuyant sur six entretiens semi-directifs avec des couples marocains arrivés au Québec depuis au moins deux ans, nous avons pu constater la manière dont les liens familiaux et les solidarités sont réagencés pour pallier la distance et comment les liens amicaux accèdent à un nouveau statut et prennent une nouvelle fonction dans cette recomposition. / In what follows, we take a look at the situation of immigrant families’ native from Morocco. By mobilizing notions such as ‘family solidarities’ (Pitrou, 1978; Dandurand and Ouellette, 1992), transnationalism (Glick Schiller and al., 1992 and 1995) as well as the work on existing links between social networks and conjugal roles modifications, we examine the impact of migration on three aspects: (1) the family dynamics, (2) the conjugal role redefinition and (3) the preservation of family relations in spite of the geographical distance. On the basis of 6 semi-directed interviews with Moroccan couples established in Quebec for at least two years, we noticed how the family relations and solidarities are remodelled to mitigate the distance and how friendships take a whole new function.

This thesis examines the treatment and experiences of foreign national prisoners in England and Wales. It contains two main arguments. First, I contend that dominant prison theories rely on an outmoded understanding of the nation-state, and as a result, tend to ignore the effects of globalisation. Second, I argue that current prison practices reaffirm the boundaries of the British nation-state and promote an exclusionary notion of British citizenship. I conclude that research attuned to the affective, embodied dimensions of incarceration can help criminologists to develop a more ‘global’ perspective on state power. This argument begins and builds from ethnographic research. As a whole, the thesis is based on more than 200 interviews conducted over the course of a year in and around five men’s prisons in the north, southwest, and center of England. Structurally, it proceeds from a theoretical critique of prison studies, to an ethnographic account of prison life, to a conclusion about the purpose of prison scholarship. Thematically, it focuses on the relationship between identity and imprisonment, and in particular, on the ways in which normative beliefs about race, gender, sexuality, and class get infused in incarceration practices.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Les questions identitaires sont depuis des années au cœur des débats et des réflexions chez les Germano-Canadiens; les évènements du XXe siècle les ont poussés à constamment (re)définir leur identité face à la majorité (anglo-)canadienne. C’est notamment par le biais de médias ethniques qu’ils ont été en mesure de réfléchir à ces questions, sujettes aux débats les plus houleux. Le Kanada Kurier, un hebdomadaire germanophone du Canada, publié à l’échelle nationale pendant plus de cent ans, leur permettait notamment de s’exprimer sur cette question. Le mémoire s’interroge sur le discours identitaire produit par ce groupe et vise à mieux le décrire. Par une analyse de contenu des lettres de lecteurs de 1981, nous mettons en lumière les thèmes qui animent la communauté. Le corpus permet d’abord de voir la place importante qu’occupe la politique allemande, de constater la présence d’un discours identitaire duel, puisant ses références dans les contextes tant allemand que canadien, renforcé par des idéologies (politiques) communes chez certains germanophones du Canada et d’Europe. L’utilisation du concept de transnationalisme permet de soulever la question de la Heimat, sujet devenu éminemment politique après 1945, et illustre la complexité de la notion de patrie dans le cas allemand, surtout face aux revendications des « revanchistes » qui souhaitaient récupérer les territoires annexés par la Pologne et l’URSS après 1945. Au cœur de la majorité des lettres, nous apercevons le rapport complexe qu’entretiennent les Germano-Canadiens avec la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, véritable lieu de mémoire de la communauté. Finalement, le corpus montre surtout un journal dont le rôle aura été multiple et qu’on peut en définitive qualifier de journal diasporique. / German-Canadians have reflected on questions of identity for a number of years. Some events occurring during the 20th century have indeed forced them to constantly (re)define their particular identity vis-à-vis the (English-speaking) majority in Canada. Ethnic newspapers have been central to the community’s reflection on a number of those identity issues, including some very heated debates. The Kanada Kurier, a weekly German publication distributed across Canada for about a century, had been a forum for German-Canadians trying to define and express themselves. This thesis will thus interrogate and describe German-Canadian identity discourse as it came to be embodied in the Kurier. The identity discourse and the issues the community was concerned with will be highlighted via an analysis of the comments from the newspaper’s readers’ section published in 1981. First, the body of letters illuminates that German politics were central to German-Canadians’ dual identity; this identity being forged by references to the Canadian as well as the German context and reinforced by politics shared by Germans in Canada and Europe. Using the concept of transnationalism, the thesis will interrogate the Heimat, a highly political topic after 1945, and illustrate the complexity of the fatherland/motherland motif in the German case, especially in the context of demands from the Revanchists for territories taken over by Poland and the USSR after 1945. Central to most of the letters analysed is the difficult relationship Germans-Canadians continued to have with the events of World War II, which serves as one of the community’s lieu de mémoire. Finally, a deep analysis of the Kanada Kurier reveals a medium that was exploited in multiple ways and a newspaper that has definite diasporic qualities. / Identitätsfragen stehen seit Jahren im Mittelpunkt der Debatten und Überlegungen der Deutsch-Kanadier, die durch die Geschehnisse des 20. Jahrhunderts ständig gezwungen wurden, ihre Identität der (anglo-)kanadischen Mehrheit gegenüber neu zu bedenken und zu definieren. Vor allem durch ethnische Medien waren sie in der Lage, über diese heikle Frage zu reflektieren. Der Kanada Kurier, eine seit mehr als hundert Jahren im gesamten Kanada veröffentlichte deutschsprachige Wochenzeitung, ermöglichte ihnen, sich über diese Fragen zu äußern. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht den Identitätsdiskurs dieser Gemeinschaft. Anhand einer Inhaltsanalyse der Leserbriefe von 1981 soll dargestellt werden, was die Gruppe am meistens bewegt. Das Korpus zeigt erstens den wichtigen Platz auf, den die deutsche Politik einnimmt, zweitens beleuchtet er einen dualen Identitätsdiskurs, der sich teils auf den deutschen, teils auf den kanadischen Kontext bezieht, und der durch gemeinsame (politische) Ideologien bei den Deutschsprachigen in Kanada und in Europa verstärkt wurde. Das Konzept des Transnationalismus wirft die Heimatfrage auf, ein nach 1945 hoch diskutiertes politisches Thema, und veranschaulicht die komplexe Heimatvorstellung im Fall der Deutschsprachigen, besonders bezüglich der Forderung der „Revanchisten“, die die von Polen und der UdSSR annektierten Gebiete nach dem Kriegsende zurückerlangen wollten. Die Mehrheit der Leserbriefe verdeutlicht den komplexen Zusammenhang der Deutsch-Kanadier mit dem Ereignis des Zweiten Weltkrieges, der insofern als Erinnerungsort zu bezeichnen ist. Schließlich beleuchtet das Korpus die vielfältigen Rollen, welche die Wochenzeitung in der Gemeinschaft einnahm, und kann infolgedessen als eine Diasporazeitung bezeichnet werden.

Dans un contexte où l'importance croissante de la mondialisation des flux migratoires en provenance de la région caraïbéenne s'intensifie et se diversifie, une prise en compte plus détaillée de l'évolution des stratégies de migrants au sein des sociétés d'accueil et de leur impact socioéconomique et politique sur les sociétés de départ s'impose. Notre thèse déclinée en trois parties s'inscrit précisément dans une réflexion sur l'engagement associatif à distance du migrant-acteur haïtien et jamaïcain, dans un cadre institutionnel français pour l'un et britannique pour l'autre. Au cœur d'un dispositif qui lie responsables locaux du pays d'origine et élus de la société d'accueil mettant en interaction différentes formes d'intervention de l'État d'origine, comment donc ce dernier peut-il alors agir et avoir un rôle incitatif en favorisant la participation de cette communauté transnationale ou encore en coordonnant des actions des associations de migrants ? En quoi le cadre associatif transnational est-il favorable au développement dans le contexte haïtien / jamaïcain ? En considérant l'émergence puis l'évolution du tissu associatif haïtien en terre française, et celles du tissu associatif jamaïcain en terre britannique, nous avons voulu chercher à comprendre les motivations derrière l'engagement de porter des projets de développement dans le pays d'origine. Notre travail de terrain, ainsi que notre dispositif méthodologique dans une approche de terrain multi-situé, nous a permis de mieux saisir les mécanismes de solidarité collective et de mise en commun de ressources. Partant d'un fait observé, une dynamique associative, qui s'est amplifiée au lendemain du séisme en Haïti / In a context where the growing importance of the globalization of migratory flows from the Caribbean region is intensifying and diversifying, a detailed attention on the evolution of migrants' strategies within host societies as well as their socioeconomic and political impact on the origin societies is required. Our thesis in three parts inscribes itself in a reflection on long-distance associative engagement of the Haitian and Jamaican migrant-actor, in a French institutional framework as well as a British one. At the heart of a model between local officials of the country of origin and elected officials of the host society, how can it act in an incentive capacity to foster or to better coordinate the actions taken by migrants' associations? How can a transnational associative framework be beneficiary to the development in the Haitian/Jamaican context? In considering the emergence and evolution of the Haitian associative landscape (France) and Jamaican (the United Kingdom), we wanted to understand the motivations behind the long-distance commitment to bring about development projects in the country of origin. Our fieldwork as well as our methodological approach in a multi-sited terrain helped us better grasp some of the mechanisms of bounded solidarity and of shared resources.Starting from an observed fact, an associative dynamic, which grew significantly in the aftermath of the earthquake in Haiti in January 2010, our study highlights three key elements: the relevance of the sense of belonging of migrants associations, the paramount importance of the relationship between the origin State and the its citizens abroad, and the growing, diverse and complex evolution

Cette thèse porte sur la rencontre entre des politiques urbaines françaises et des modes d'habiter de l'Amazonie guyanaise, à Saint-Laurent-du-Maroni, à la frontière avec le Surinam. Cette vie urbaine est menée par des habitants de classes populaires souvent non francophones, confrontés à des normes d'urbanité concrétisées par les démolitions de « bidonvilles » et la construction de logements sociaux. Il s'agit d'analyser les interactions entre les acteurs en jeu dans cette situation postcoloniale impliquant habitants, élus communaux et professionnels de la ville, dans un contexte d'Outre-Mer aux hiérarchies sociales propres, croisant classe, nation, et race. Alliant une perspective historique et ethnographique, ce travail met en lumière les rapports d'habitants originaires de l'amont du Maroni aux administrations et à leurs agents. Ces derniers sont racialisés par le terme 'bakaa', qui renvoie à une blancheur postcoloniale spécifique, associée à l'urbanité, par opposition à une affirmation renouvelée de leur identification en tant que « personnes des pays de la forêt » ('bushikonde sama') - appartenance héritée du passé du marronnage des plantations surinamaises. Mises en lumière par l'ethnographie réalisée à leurs côtés, les démarches quotidiennes des habitants témoignent de leur progressive socialisation institutionnelle, tandis que certains agents des administrations adaptent les politiques publiques et les procédures administratives aux pratiques d'une population racialisée comme « Bushinenguée ». L'analyse passe des logements, catégorie de l'action publique, aux maisons, espaces vécus inscrits dans des configurations de parenté, des mobilités et des modes d'habiter de part et d'autre du Maroni. Les maisons sont appropriées par les habitants de manière dialectique : tout en se conformant aux normes d'urbanité 'bakaa' matérialisées par les logements sociaux, et sanctionnées par les bailleurs, les habitants transforment la ville par leurs modes d'habiter incorporés qui reflètent l'usage stratégique de ressources issues de la maîtrise d'un territoire transfrontalier. Les interactions asymétriques entre habitants et professionnels ont donc des effets sur les modes d'habiter et sur les politiques urbaines. Impliquant plusieurs normes d'urbanité, elles concrétisent leurs différences, constamment réitérées, dans les formes urbaines d'une ville ségréguée. Elles redéfinissent en permanence les frontières des personnes, des maisons, et des lieux. / This thesis deals with the encounter between French urban policies and Amazonian ways of dwelling in Saint-Laurent-du-Maroni, by the Marowijne river, the border with Suriname. The inhabitants from working classes, mostly not francophone, are confronted with urbanity norms materialized through the removals of "shantytowns" and the building of social housing. My research analyses the interactions between the different actors involved in this postcolonial situation: inhabitants, local politicians and urban professionals, in the context of a French oversea department divided by specific social boundaries of class, nation, and race. Using archival and ethnographic methods, I highlight the relations of inhabitants coming from upriver Marowijne to the administrations and their agents. The latter are racialized as 'bakaa', term qualifying a local form of postcolonial whiteness, associated with urbanity, as opposed to the renewed affirmation of their belonging to the upriver territories as 'bushikonde sama' ("people from the lands of the forest"). This identification, in constant renewal, refers to the legacies of their Maroon ancestors from the Surinamese plantations. As a an ethnographer, I went with some of those inhabitants through the offices. The observation of their daily administrative quests reveals their progressive institutional socialization, whereas some agents adapt their practices and policies to a population racialized as 'Bushinenge'. The analysis moves from housing, as administrative category, to houses, as lived spaces included in kinship configurations, mobility and transborder ways of dwellings. Houses are appropriated by their inhabitants in a dialectical manner: while they conform to 'bakaa' norms of urbanity materialized by social houses and sanctioned by the social landlords, they also transform their houses through embodied ways of living, reflecting their strategic uses of ressources coming from their mastery of a transborder territory. Asymmetrical interactions between inhabitants and agents thus impact on ways of dwelling and urban policies. Involving different norms of urbanity, they concretize their differences, constantly reiterated, through the segregation of the town. They thus redefine the boundaries of people, houses and places.

La diaspora chinoise a pris de l’ampleur depuis la deuxième moitié du XIXème siècle. En France, la migration de Chinois originaires de la région de Wenzhou, s’est intensifiée depuis les années 1980. Ce sous-groupe de la diaspora chinoise a dès lors rapidement développé ses activités économiques. L’objectif cette thèse consiste à étudier l’organisation économique, sociale et spatiale des migrants de Wenzhou en France, principalement dans la région parisienne, et d’analyser les rapports économiques et sociaux que ceux-ci entretiennent avec la Chine en général et avec leur région d’origine en particulier. L’hypothèse centrale de la thèse est que le « Modèle de Wenzhou » en Chine, tel qu’il est identifié et analysé par les universitaires chinois, et le développement de l’entrepreneuriat chinois issu de Wenzhou en France sont étroitement liés. Pour ce faire, nous interrogerons notamment l’idée d’une « importation » de ce modèle en France. Les résultats de cette thèse permettent de révéler l’existence d’une économie transnationale originale, reliant la France et la Chine, qui a été soutenue par la diaspora Wenzhou et a produit une forme de « transfert migratoire » dans chacun des deux pays. Plus largement, la thèse permet de montrer de quelle manière la diaspora chinoise en France a contribué au développement économique de la Chine et comment elle a pu bénéficier de la nouvelle politique de la Chine initiée au début des années 2000 pour se consolider. / The Chinese diaspora has been growing since the second half of the nineteenth century. In France, the Chinese immigration from the region of the Wenzhou has intensified since the 1980s. This sub-group of the Chinese diaspora has since rapidly expanded its economic activities. The objective of this thesis is to study the economic, social and spatial organization of Wenzhou migrants in France, manly in the Paris region, and to analyze the economic and social relations that they maintain with China in general and with their region of origin in particular. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that the economic “model of Wenzhou” area, as identified and analyzed by the Chinese scholars, and the development of Chinese entrepreneurship in France are closely linked in particular through "Import"of this model in France. The results of our thesis reveal the existence of an original transnational economy connecting France and China, that was supported by the Wenzhou diaspora and that produced a form of "migratory transfer" in each of the two countries. More broadly, the thesis helps to show how the Chinese diaspora in France contributed to the economic development of China, but also how it benefitted from measures included in China's new policy initiated in the early 2000s to consolidate itself.

No description available.

O objetivo desta tese é entender o papel desempenhado por discursos e ferramentas transnacionais na atuação de atores políticos interessados nas políticas de saúde para as mulheres no Brasil entre 1983 e 2016. Buscamos entender a mobilização de discursos e dinâmicas transnacionais por diferentes atores políticos, sobretudo os movimentos de mulheres, representados por três redes de ativismo: a Rede Nacional Feminista de Saúde, Direitos Sexuais e Direitos Reprodutivos; a Rede pela Humanização do Parto e Nascimento e a Articulação de Mulheres Negras Brasileiras. Trata-se de uma pesquisa engajada cujos métodos de pesquisa foram: pesquisa documental; entrevistas semiestruturadas e observação participante. Analisamos três momentos em que debates e atores internacionais, nacionais e locais buscam determinar alterações nas políticas de saúde para as mulheres estabelecidas que atendam seus interesses. O primeiro caso que apresentamos é o processo de elaboração do PAISM, no início da década de 1980. Em larga medida, o PAISM é resultado da articulação de feministas dentro do Ministério da Saúde, constituindo a resposta à demanda da sociedade brasileira e internacional quanto à necessidade do estabelecimento de uma política populacional no Brasil, de acordo com os compromissos assumidos pelo país na Conferência de Bucareste, em 1974. O segundo caso é a criação do Programa Rede Cegonha, em 2011. A justificativa oficial para o lançamento do Programa é a dificuldade de alcance dos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio no que tange à mortalidade materna. A reação ao Rede Cegonha por parte dos movimentos feministas e das mulheres negras é forte e quase imediata ao lançamento da nova política, caracterizada como uma política materno-infantil em contraponto ao paradigma de saúde da mulher vigente entre 1983 e 2010. O terceiro caso é a recente epidemia do vírus Zika e seus efeitos nos direitos reprodutivos das mulheres, sobretudo das mulheres negras no Brasil. Entre os resultados da pesquisa, destacamos que os discursos transnacionais sobre saúde são, caso não sejam acompanhadas da presença de grupos articulados de feministas ou grupos com objetivos específicos de defesa da saúde das mulheres de maneira ampla, em larga medida, utilizados para reduzir definições mais inclusivas de políticas. Além disso, destacamos os diferenciais de acesso a saúde entre as mulheres quando são usadas abordagens interseccionais de raça/cor. As mulheres negras no primeiro caso eram o público-alvo das ações de esterilização que levaram ao estabelecimento da Lei de Planejamento Familiar em 1996, que determinou a necessidade de separação entre parto e operação de laqueadura. No que tange à mortalidade materna, os diferencias de morte entre mulheres brancas e negras são enormes: caso a razão de mortalidade materna do país contasse apenas com as mulheres brancas, o Brasil teria sido capaz de alcançar uma das metas dos Objetivos do Milênio. No caso do Zika, o racismo ambiental tem afetado profundamentamente a vida das populações sem acesso a saneamento básico o que tem deixado essas populações vulneráveis diante de quaisquer epidemias. / The main objective of this thesis is to understand the role played by transnational discourses and tools in the performance of political actors interested in health policies for women in Brazil between 1983 and 2016. We seek to understand the mobilization of transnational discourses and dynamics by different political actors, especially women\'s movements, represented by three networks of activism: Rede Nacional Feminista de Saúde, Direitos Sexuais e Direitos Reprodutivos; Rede pela Humanização do Parto e Nascimento and Articulação de Mulheres Negras Brasileiras. It is an engaged research whose methods of research were: documental research; Semi-structured interviews and participant observation. We analyze three moments in which international, national and local debates and actors seek to determine changes in already established health policies for women. The first case we present is the PAISM elaboration process, in the early 1980s. Largely, the PAISM is a result of the articulation of feminists within the Ministry of Health, constituting the response to the demand of Brazilian and international society concerning the establishment of a population policy in Brazil, in accordance with the commitments made by the country at the Bucharest Conference in 1974. The second case is the creation of Programa Rede Cegonha in 2011. The official justification for launching the Program was aim to achieve the Millennium Development Goals with regard to maternal mortality. The reaction to Rede Cegonha by the feminist and black women\'s movements was strong and almost immediate to the launch of the new policy. It was considered a mother-child policy in opposition to the women\'s health paradigm in force between 1983 and 2010. The third case is the recent outbreak of the Zika virus and its effects on the reproductive rights of women, especially black women in Brazil. Among the results of the research, we emphasize that the transnational discourses on health, if not accompanied by the presence of articulated groups of feminists or groups with specific objectives in defending the health of women, are more commonly used to straighten the contents of policies. In addition, we highlight health access differentials among women when intersectional race/color approaches are used. Black women in the first case were the target audience for the sterilization actions that led to the establishment of the Family Planning Act in 1996, which determined the need for separation between delivery and sterilization. Regarding maternal mortality, the differences in death among white and black women are enormous: if Brazil\'s maternal mortality ratio was the same as the white women in the country, Brazil would have met one of the targets of the Millennium Development Goals. In the case of Zika, environmental racism has profoundly affected the lives of people without access to basic sanitation, which has left these populations vulnerable to any health outbreak.

The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.