I denna uppsats undersöks socialt ansvar och styrning, vilka är komponenter av ESG, i relation till Rysslands invasion av Ukraina 2022. Via en eventstudiemetod undersöker uppsatsen huruvida svenska noterade bolag med höga betyg för socialt ansvar och styrning (SG-betyg), kortsiktigt har en abnormal avkastning under Rysslands invasion av Ukraina. Svenska bolag är intressanta att undersöka eftersom Sverige är ett av de länder som reagerat starkast på Rysslands invasion av Ukraina, placeras i topp på olika ESG-rankingar samt ligger geografiskt nära konflikten. Vi finner att bolag med höga SG-betyg inte signifikant ger abnormal avkastning under Rysslands invasion av Ukraina. Detta kan bero på konfliktens komplexitet, ett begränsat urval i uppsatsen eller ESG-betygens otillförlitlighet, där bolag med höga betyg för socialt ansvar och styrning tenderar att vara större samt mindre volatila än de med lägre betyg.

UAV:er används frekvent i samhället och med detta har den kommersiella marknaden växt. Därför är det rimligt att de används i större utsträckning i konflikter, vilket innebär att konflikter där båda parter har UAV:er som kan klassas som relativt högteknologiska möts blir troligare. Ukraina och Rysslands användande av UAV i Ukraina kan räknas som denna typ av konflikt.  I uppsatsen är det UAV:er av den militära typen som diskuteras. Skillnaden mellan dessa och civila typer är framförallt räckvidd, flygtid och kvalitén på sensorerna.För att undersöka hur UAV:er nyttjas och taktiseras med i denna typ av konflikter har följande frågeställning använts: Hur påverkas nyttjandet av UAV:er i en konflikt mellan två högteknologiska motståndare?Genom att analysera beslutsprocessen med hjälp av OODA-loopen och bekämpningskedjan har författaren kunnat dra följande slutsatser om nyttjandet i denna typ av konflikt. Uppsatsen är genomförd som en fallstudie där metoderna kvalitativ textanalys och intervju använts Slutsatsen är att den multiplikator som UAV varit i Ukraina visar på att de kommer fortsätta användas i framtida konflikter. Trots att telekrig varit aktivt mot just UAV:erna och att de saknar motmedel mot störningen har de fortsatt att nyttjas, den multiplikatoreffekt de bidrar med kan motiveras stridsekonomiskt och väger tyngre än de problem som störningen innebär. / UAV: s are in more frequent use as a result of a growing commercial market. This increases the probability of UAV: s in conflicts. This means that conflicts where both sides have access to UAV: s that are relatively high-tech becomes more likely. Ukraine and Russia’s use of UAV: s in Ukraine can be described as this kind of conflict. In this paper it is primarily military UAV: s that are discussed. The difference between these and their civilian counterparts are range, flight time and the quality of the sensors. In order to understand how the use of UAV: s is being affected, the following question needs to be answered.  How is the use of UAV: s affected in a conflict between two high-tech opponents? This was answered by analysing the decision-making process using the OODA loop and the kill chain. The paper is a case study which uses qualitative text analysis and an interview.The conclusion of this paper is that UAV: s has acted as a force multiplier in Ukraine and they will be used in future conflicts. Despite the electronic warfare against the UAV: s and the fact that they are missing systems for counteracting the disturbance both sides continue to use UAV: s. The force multiplier that is gained from using UAV: s is justified from a battle economic standpoint despite being hindered by electronic warfare.

Problem Since the globalisation has enabled apparel companies to purchase materialsand goods from all around the world, the constant challenge is to find themost beneficial country and supplier who can provide the highest value tothe lowest cost. There are however factors to be considered in the aspect ofsupplier selection and the decision is often made through assessment ofnation-specific resources like labour costs, deliveries, trade restrictions andquality. It is important for apparel companies to relate the outcome of asupplier evaluation to the own company strategy or product characteristicsas factors may be more or less crucial depending on the strategy or producttype the company possess. With wages now increasing in Europe, Ukraine ispredicted to become a new apparel-producing alternative for Swedishcompanies. However, there is no evident niche in Ukrainian apparelproduction, which can be set in the context of company and productcharacteristics.Purpose The purpose of this thesis is to perform a supplier evaluation of Ukraine anddiscuss what company and product characteristics that might be moresuitable for producing apparel in Ukraine.Methodology A qualitative research has been carried out on a MFS scholarship for eightweeks in Ukraine. The empirical findings are based upon semi-structuredinterviews with five experts and observations and interviews in six factories.A supplier evaluation model is created upon the existing theories and theempirical results are discussed in the context of company and productcharacteristics.Conclusion A company should consider evaluating multiple factors and theinterrelationships between the factors in ability to reach a fulfilling supplierselection. It can be argued that there are predominantly characteristics foundto suit companies with the cost leadership strategy or functional products.Furthermore, because of trade rules and a low access to materials mostUkrainian factories work on Cut-Make contracts with foreign customers.Problem: Globaliseringen av klädindustrin har bidragit till att klädföretag köper materialoch färdiga plagg från länder runt om i världen. Det är en ständig utmaning atthitta det landet och den tillverkaren som erbjuder det högsta värdet till den lägstakostnaden.Det finns många olika faktorer som man bör ta hänsyn till i ettleverantörsval och beslutet är oftast taget genom utvärdering av nationsspecifikaresurser som lönekostnader, leveranser, kvalitet och handelshinder. Det är viktigtför företag att utvärdera länder och leverantörer utefter företagets egna strategieroch produkternas karaktär eftersom olika faktorer vid leverantörsutvärdering kanvara olika viktiga beroende på företag och produkter. När lönekostnaderna stiger iövriga Europa framträder Ukraina som ett möjligt produktionsland som spås enframtid som ett alternativ för svenska klädföretag. Ukraina har däremot ingen klarnisch, vilket är intressant att titta närmare på i samband med olikaföretagsstrategier och produkttyper.Syfte: Syftet med studien är att göra en leverantörsutvärdering av Ukraina somklädproducent och diskutera vilka företagsstrategier och produkttyper som kanlämpa sig bäst för produktion i Ukraina.Metod: Uppsatsen är skriven på ett MFS-stipendium under åtta veckor i Ukraina. Detempiriska resultatet är baserat på semi-strukturerade intervjuer och observationer isex stycken klädesfabriker och intervjuer med fem stycken experter. En modell förleverantörssutvärdering är skapad från existerande teorier och det empiriskaresultatet av utvärderingen diskuteras i samband med olika företagsstrategier ochprodukttyper.Slutsatser: Ett företag bör överväga att utvärdera flera faktorer och deras inbördes sambandför att kunna uppnå ett tillfredsställande leverantörsval. Det har påfunnits flestkaraktärsdrag som passar företag med en kostnadsstrategi eller funktionellaprodukter. På grund av handelsregler och dålig tillgång till material jobbar deflesta ukrainska producenter med Cut-Make kontrakt mot utländska kunder. / Program: Textilekonomutbildningen

This study brings into focus the issue of reproduction and transformation ofcultural authority in the so-called post-Soviet context. It seeks to examine howintelligentsia may be presented and what empowering narratives it may articulatein a concrete locality, namely, in the post-1991 West Ukrainian city of L’viv. Theauthor argues that claims for cultural authority stemming from the socio-culturallocation of intelligentsia are decisive in discussions about Ukrainian nationalidentity and cultural development, which gained momentum after independence.Despite significant discursive transformations, after 1991 intelligentsia is stillpresented as the essence of the nation, as its typical and brightest representativeswho assume the right to speak for the whole nation and to extrapolate own valuesand choices to it. The debate focused on the issues of ‘the national’ actualizes a very significantissue of whose class vision is to become a winning concept for the Ukrainiannation-building. Post-Soviet ‘normalization’ in L’viv implies that cultural patternstypical of the privileged and educated urbanites have been rehabilitated andpresented as both nationally authentic and culturally superior ones. In the post-1991 L’viv the representations embedding the urban community into variouslocal, regional, national, and supranational symbolic contexts resonate with effortsof the intelligentsia to (re-)gain control over reproduction of their own socialpositions and cultural narratives about the nation. This study suggests that analysisof the nation-building processes in Ukraine should pay more attention to symbolicrepresentations of cultural authority which are exploited by local actors runningtheir empowering projects. / Denna studie tar upp frågor om sociokulturell reproducering och omvandling avkulturell auktoritet i en postsovjetisk kontext. Studien undersöker de sätt på vilkaen intelligentia kan representeras och de maktanspråk som den genom berättelserartikulerar i den västukrainska staden L’viv efter självständigheten 1991.Författaren hävdar att de anspråk på kulturell auktoritet som intelligentianuttrycker har principiell betydelse i de diskussioner som förs kring ukrainsknationell identitet och nationens kulturella utveckling. Trots betydande diskursivaomvandlingar som intelligentian genomgått har den behållit sin position somnationens centralfigur. Intelligentian representeras som nationens mest typiskaoch framstående representant med rätt att tala i hela nationens namn, vilket gör attden också kan överföra sina egna värderingar och åsikter till sina landsmän. Diskussioner om det nationella temat sätter mycket betydelsefulla frågor ifokus, inte minst de som handlar om vilkas klassvisioner som kommer att fågenomslag i det ukrainska nationsbyggandet. Den postsovjetiska”normaliseringen” i L’viv har inneburit att de kulturella mönster som är typiskabland privilegierade och högutbildade stadsbor har återupprättats, ofta framställdasom nationellt genuina och kulturellt överlägsna. I det postsovjetiska L’viv ärsymboliska representationer av urbansamhället färgade av olika lokala, nationellaoch supranationella symboliska kontexter. Dessa kommer väl till pass iintelligentians försök att (återigen) kontrollera reproducering av sina socialapositioner och de kulturella berättelserna om nationen. Avhandlingen sätterdärmed fingret på hur kulturell auktoritet utnyttjas av lokala aktörer som strävarefter ett socialt och politiskt övertag samt uppmärksammar betydelsen avsymboliska framställningar i analyser av nationsbyggandeprocesser i Ukraina.

This essay aims to explore the difference in the political system between the Ukrainian regime in the period 2010-2014 and the regime that emerged out of the euromaidan protests in 2014. Through this the essay will determine if there has been any democratical progress between both of the timelines and if any of the periods achieved the status of democracy. Democracy is defined as polyarchy which gives a clear structure to study both periods and compare them to the criteria’s that this type of democracy offers. The areas that will be studied are: Free and Fair Elections, Universal Suffrage, Elected Representatives, the Right to Candidate in Elections, the Right to Organize, Freedom of Speech and Alternative Sources of Information. The essay is a Theory Consuming Case Study with both descriptive questions and a descriptive approach to answer the questions. The framework that is used to analyze the information is of a qualitative nature. This essay concludes that both periods have had large democratic problems. Although the problems for both periods differ, in the first problem there are several events with rigged elections, crime against journalists and restraints of freedom of speech. The second period saw several improvements in several areas but issues with universal suffrage emerged. This caused both periods to not being able to fulfill the criteria’s of polyarchy which, in this study, is the benchmark for a democracy. Instead, both periods achieved the criteria’s for a hybrid regime which in many ways are equivalent of a flawed democracy.

Following the 2008 Georgian war, Russia identified major deficiencies in its warfare capability, which lead to an extensive reformation and modernization of Russian forces. The reformation was accompanied by a Russian theoretical discussion concerning the wars of tomorrow. Several eminent Russian theorists emphasized the growing importance of non-kinetic means and methods, of which psychological warfare was considered as one of the most primary. Western scholars also emphasized an increased Russian focus on psychological warfare. Despite the identified increased significance on the subject, there is a palpable lack of research on contemporary Russian psychological warfare. This study aims to decrease this lack of research on the subject. Using a theory consuming approach, Russian psychological warfare is analyzed from two cases, Georgia 2008 and Crimea 2014. The study is based on a qualitative text analysis of open sources. By combining two theories on psychological warfare, an analytical tool is developed which is then used in the analysis of the two cases. The theories that form the study´s theoretical base derives from Martin Libicki and Ron Schleifer. The two cases are analyzed and then followed by a comparative analysis of the cases. The study’s result shows that psychological warfare is an important component in Russian warfare, especially in the case of Crimea. Furthermore the study indicates that psychological warfare was a main component in the Crimea case, whereas it was a mere supportive component in the Georgian case.   The results show that Russian psychological warfare is used above all to create a favorable strategic context, where the Russian society and neutrals appears to be the most important target audiences to influence. The results also indicates that psychological warfare contributes in misleading the opponent and could thereby also contribute with obvious operational and tactical advantages for Russian warfare.

The characteristics of the Russian military operations during the Russo-Georgian War of 2008 and again in the Crimean Crisis 2014, were “rude awakenings” to a shift in the strategic behaviour of Russia, not refraining from military aggression as means to political aims. In the aftermath of these “strategic shocks”, the scholarly debate on how to interpret and understand these limited wars, has several ongoing discussions, among which is whether this modern Russian style of warfare, as demonstrated in Moldova, Georgia, Ukraine and elsewhere, really is a novel concept or plainly “old wine in a new bottle”. This thesis is part taking in that debate through the theoretical framework of three Soviet era warfare methods from the psychological dimension: Deception – Maskirovka, Information Warfare – Reflexive Control, and Subversion – Active Measures. Within the framework, an analytical tool for qualitative text analysis is designed and then applied for the case studies of the Russo-Georgian War, as it compares to the Crimean Crisis, collecting indicators for the apparent presence of traditional methods in these cases. The study concludes that the Soviet era warfare concepts of Maskirovka, Reflexive Control and Active Measures, are relevant as explanators for a facet of the modern day Russian warfare style, in alignment with the general argument on the Russian warfare doctrine as evolutionary, rather than revolutionary, vis-a-vis the strategic practices of the Soviet era.

Russians actions in Ukraine came as a chock to the west, who have been striving to conceptualize Russian warfare since. This has resulted in several conflicting definitions involving different means and methods. This might be problematic, both for a country and its military, in trying to define and counter the threat of Russian warfare. It might also be problematic for scientific enquiry, since the definitions might become too broad and neglect vital aspects of Russian warfare. This study there-fore compare and test two rivalling theories about Russian warfare, New-Generation Warfare (NGW) and Full-Spectrum Conflict (FSC), by analysing Russia’s actions in the Ukrainian conflict. By doing so it aims to shed light on which of the two theories offers the best approach to analysing the case. The study uses a qualitative text research method to examine secondary sources describing the conflict and transliterations of Putin’s speeches. Several indicators for each theoretical framework are confirmed and made the analysis possible. The results of this analysis show that Russia in Ukraine used their means and methods synchronously rather than applying a diachronic course of action as advocated by NGW. Results therefore suggest that FSC and its mix of means and methods better describes Russia’s actions in Ukraine.

Studies have shown that the Russian operations in Georgia and Crimea have been described as both examples of failed and successful operations. Both conflicts had hybrid elements to them, especially the Russian annexation of Crimea which jumpstarted the western debate into the subject.  This study aims to analyse the difference in Russian methodology and differences between the two conflicts, this is done based on a theoretical framework of ‘effective hybrid warfare’. The goal of this study is to discern to what extent these two cases can be described as effective hybrid warfare operations. This is done thru the method of comparative studies.  The results showed that the operation on Crimea to a greater extent could be considered effective hybrid warfare, more specifically, the weaker aspects of the Russian operation in Georgia seemed to have been corrected and were less present in the Crimean operation. This indicates that the Russian staff learned from its mistakes and the weak points of the Crimean operation is not likely to be present in their next campaign.

Purpose: The purpose of this essay is to find out what role the Swedish civilian population is expected to have in the country's total defense and what the civilians are expected to do in cases where there is a high level of preparedness, crisis, or war. This purpose includes finding out if the authorities questioned have varying views of said role.   Method: The research method on which this essay is based in an interview study and a document analysis. The informants are made up by five different Swedish authorities and one municipality.   Material: All the policy documents that this essay analyzes are taken from the government's data base and deal with the various proposals that came about during the closing down of total defense at the turn of the millennium and the rearmament around the mid 2010's. Furthermore, the material also consists of interviews as mentioned above.   Conclusion: The analysis of the various policy documents and the interviews resulted in a clarification of the civilian population's role in total defense. This is because the authorities gave tangible examples of what they believe the civilian population should do in the event of heightened alert, crisis, or war. The previous ambiguity of the role is explained with the help of the policy documents and reflections from the informants. The study is concluded with a discussion about the role of the civilian population and offers suggestions for further research on the role of the civilian population in the Swedish total defense.