In 2005 the Swedish social democratic government settled a defense treaty with Saudi Arabia. Ten years later, a new Social democratic government ends the treaty. This thesis will study the Social democratic party’s motives behind their actions regarding the treaty. Kjell Goldmanns theory regarding the three fields of interest concerning state’s foreign policy, security policy, economy and international values, will serve as the theory and operationalization of this thesis. The thesis will operate an analysis of motives to study the main motives of the party’s actions during four events. After examining the actions of the Social democrats in media and the parliament, the thesis found that the party had changed their main motives between 2005 and 2015. Their main motives in 2005 were economical and in 2015 were their main motives international values, which reaches the conclusion that the Social democrats have changed their motives regarding the treaty.

The following Bachelor’s thesis is analyzing contemporary advocacy for more women in diplomacy by the United Nations (UN), with the help of framing theory. More specifically, it examines, (1) how is the absence of female diplomats represented as a problem? (2) What is represented as the causes of that problem? And finally, (3) what is represented as the solutions to that problem? The thesis examines one UN body: UNITAR, which is the only body that focus on the promotion of women explicitly in diplomacy. This is a single case study with a qualitative approach, and makes use of framing theory, based on social constructivism. Through gathering of outward-focused documents from UNITARs webpage, it has been observed that UNITAR frames the absence of women in diplomacy as an inefficiency problem. The argument is that by promoting more women in foreign policy, there will be greater productivity, enhanced economical growth and less poverty. The main causes of the problem are represented as a mix of societal, individual and organizational barriers. The solution to the problem is represented to be mainly training of individual women to improve skills needed to successfully carry out diplomacy, but also, to a lesser extent, training of organizations to inforce a gender mainstreaming approach. Key Words:  Women in diplomacy, framing, United Nations, women in foreign policy, international campaigns.

This paper adopts a quantitative and qualitative lens, through which we explore the economic relationship between the region of Sub-Saharan Africa and China as a consequence of Chinese Foreign direct investments (FDI).  Primarily, the paper’s direction, analysis, and discussions are dictated by the usage of primary and secondary data. Our primary data is constructed as a panel data set including GDP for 38 countries alongside the Chinese FDIs for each country during the period 2003-2021. Our secondary data includes already existing papers on topics related to our purpose and the data found in them. The main points include the economic development of Sub-Saharan Africa, the subsequent enforced Chinese economic policy, and further the gains China see from their strides into the region. In order to prove our hypothesis and research questions we've used econometric models.The panel data was used to conduct several time series regressions, where we further used different models and tests to get the best possible result Due to the fact that our regression shows a significant and positive correlation between economic growth in the region as a result of Chinese FDI, we can establish that past research is reinforced. Through the used model we’re enabled to look at the individual effects of every country in the region. In addition, by comparing these effects with the level of corruption and which type of income group the countries belong to, we can further highlight the fact that China tends to invest in countries who can offer something in return. Examples of such cases could be South Africa and Angola who are two of the biggest receivers of Chinese FDI in the region, which we, throughout the paper, attribute to the fact that they have an abundance of natural resources.

As a result of an islamist uprising in Mali in 2011, the international community currently has a heavy military presence in the country. The largest actor is the UN, which deploys more than 10 000 troops within its mission MINUSMA. Despite an eight year-long UN effort, however, the security situation in the region has continuously deteriorated, leading to questions about the mission’s effectiveness. This also leads to questions about the political ambitions of the troop-contributing countries, and whether the operational conditions for MINUSMA-forces in Mali are sufficient enough for mission success. With that in mind, this study is guided by the question of what the actual operational conditions are for the Swedish MINUSMA-force to achieve mission success in relation to the expressed political ambition. The political ambition is examined by analysing which purposes and objectives for the Swedish participation are expressed in official documents. The operational conditions for the Swedish units are examined by analysing how intra-mission coherence in MINUSMA plays out in practice. This in turn is examined by analysing the degree of fit between Swedish units and the rest of MINUSMA. The analysis shows an overall degree of misfit in the strategic/organisational, cultural/human, as well as operational dimensions. This had major consequences for the intra-mission coherence and the Swedish ability to achieve full operational effect. The conditions for the Swedish forces to achieve mission success in relation to the main expressed political ambition (stability and security in Mali), were therefore highly limited. Given the poor operational conditions for mission success, the result leads to questions about political drivers behind UN mission participation, and whether mission success in the area of operations is a political priority at all.

This study investigates differences in foreign policy among Swedish political parties during 1972-1982. For 44 years, Sweden was led by the Social Democrats until the centre-right coalition gained power in 1976.  Social Democrat Olof Palme is probably one of the most notable Swedish politicians, known for his strong commitment in foreign policy including opposition to American involvement in Vietnam. However, certain signs show that the centre-right parties also had a strong commitment in many conflicts during the investigated period. Deepened research comparing the left and the right during this period has however not been done. Hence, this study aims to compare if there was any change in policy after 1976, but also look into similarities and differences between the political parties during the whole period. This is done through a comparison of the yearly Swedish foreign policy debates from 1972 to 1982, comparing views in four conflicts at the time: Vietnam, South Africa, Afghanistan and Central America. The findings show many similarities and differences, with small general differences in Swedish foreign policy before and after the historical shift of power in 1976. Interestingly, there is a notable commitment to foreign policy among the centre-right parties - sometimes stronger than Palme and the Social Democrats.

This essay aims to present three different perspectives through which to analyse the decision made by Russia to invade Ukraine in 2022. The three perspectives used are based on the three theories of decision making found in the book Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis (Allison & Zelikow, 1999) and are as follows: the rational actor model, the organisational model, and the bureaucratic model. Firstly, all the models are presented and three indicators for each model are determined. These indicators provide a framework for when finding and selecting relevant empirical evidence. Secondly, the decision by Russia to invade Ukraine is presented through the lens of each model – this, paired with empirical evidence, aims to give a deeper understanding of the theoretical models’ application to the case. Throughout the course of the study, we find that there is empirical evidence that supports theoretical reasoning viewed through all three models. Although there is far more to uncover regarding the decision to invade Ukraine, qualitative case studies such as this one can act as a means to further the interest and understanding of the subject.

This study uncovers the reactions and responses of Swedish civil society organisations to the abolition of the Swedish feminist foreign policy. Sweden, a pioneer in 2014 as the first country to develop and adopt a feminist foreign policy, took a surprising turn in 2022 by becoming the first to abolish it. Through qualitative methods of document analysis and key informant interviews, this study aims to understand how these crucial foreign affairs actors responded to this policy shift. The findings reveal deep-seated disappointment and concern about the negative development of Sweden’s foreign affairs, as the government dismantled Sweden’s gender equality commitments without offering new, measurable strategies. By engaging with feminist international relations theory, the results illuminate potential regression in global gender equality achievements, human rights, and democratic values as the government severs dialogical and financial ties with civil society.

This thesis is about a remarkable experience lived through by Latvian émigrés in the mid-1950s. They were the targets of a Soviet repatriation campaign, operated by the KGB, which not only envisioned their repatriation to the Soviet Latvian homeland, but also anticipated the destruction of their émigré society as they knew it. The purpose of this thesis is to portray and analyze this repatriation campaign and the émigré Latvian reactions to it. By looking at the activities of the Committee For Return to the Motherland in East Berlin, the contents of the Latvian language repatriation newspaper Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē (For Return to the Motherland), and the reactions to the campaign in contemporary émigré press, this study shows how highly developed strategies and tactics were implemented in order to elicit certain behaviors from émigrés, and how émigrés advanced their own counter-strategies to offset the effects of the campaign. More specifically, this study examines the standardized narratives in Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē that were meant for émigré self-identification and emulation. This thesis proposes that the repatriation campaign was a highly complex Soviet propaganda effort. The publicly announced goal of repatriation included several parallel goals, aims, and purposes and encompassed many types of activities. Above all, deception was used to cover the actions undertaken against émigrés and to mislead host country governments and agencies. This thesis concludes that notwithstanding the Soviet superiority in organization and resources, a small, unprotected, and internally divided community could withstand the concerted efforts of Soviet propaganda if the group’s sense of mission was sufficiently strong and firm. / Denna avhandling behandlar de lettiska flyktingarna från andra världskriget och deras erfarenheter av ofrivilliga kontakter med Sovjetlettland vid mitten av 1950-talet, då flyktingarna blev måltavla för en sovjetisk repatrieringskampanj. Målet för denna kampanj var repatriering, dvs att få flyktingarna att återvända till hemlandet, det av Sovjet ockuperade Lettland. Ett annat mål var att splittra flyktingarnas sammanhållning. Avhandlingen beskriver och analyserar den sovjetiska repatrieringskampanjen och de lettiska flyktingarnas reaktioner. Studien bygger på källmaterial från kampanjverkamheten Committee For Return to the Motherland, som hade sin bas i Östberlin, samt från artiklar i den lettiskspråkiga tidskriften Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē (For Return to the Motherland) som riktade sig till de lettiska flyktingarna. Flyktingarnas reaktioner studeras genom en rad lettiska tidningar som utgavs i Väst. Min avhandling visar hur väl utvecklade strategier användes i syfte att framkalla önskade reaktioner från flyktingarna, samt vilka motåtgärder flyktingar själva utvecklade mot repatrieringskampanjen. Mer specifikt analyseras standardberättelser i Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē som var avsedda för flyktingarnas självidentifiering och igenkännande. Avhandlingen pekar på att den sovjetiska repatrieringskampanjen var en mycket komplex propagandaverksamhet. Utöver det offentligt tillkännagivna kampanjmålet fanns flera parallella målsättningar och avsikter som omfattade en stor mängd skiftande aktiviteter. En strategi som användes aktivt var vilseledning, bl a för att dölja verksamheter riktade mot flyktingarna, och för att förvilla statsledningar och myndigheter i de nationer där flyktingarna vistades. Avhandlingens slutsats är att trots den sovjetiska överlägsenheten i organisation och resurser kunde en liten oförsvarad och inom sig splittrad lettisk gemenskap motstå de samordnade ansträngningar från den sovjetiska propagandan.

This study focuses on mediated representations of Europe during Euromaidan and the subsequent Ukraine–Russia crisis, analysing empirical material from Ukraine, Poland and Russia. The material includes articles from nine newspapers, diverse in terms of political and journalistic orientation, as well as interviews with journalists, foreign policymakers and experts, drawing also on relevant policy documents as well as online and historical sources. The material is examined from the following vantage points: Michel Foucault’s discursive theory of power, postcolonial theory, Jürgen Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, Jacques Derrida’s hauntology and Ernesto Laclau’s concept of the empty signifier. The methods of analysis include conceptual history (Reinhart Koselleck), critical linguistics and qualitative discourse analysis (a discourse-historical approach inspired by the Vienna school) and quantitative content analysis (in Klaus Krippendorff’s interpretation). The national narratives of Europe in Ukraine, Russia and Poland are characterised by a dependence on the West. Historically, these narratives vacillated between idealising admiration, materialist pragmatics and geopolitical demonising. They have been present in each country to some extent, intertwined with their own identification. These discourses of Europe were rekindled and developed on during Euromaidan (2013–2014). Nine major Ukrainian, Russian and Polish newspapers with diverse orientations struggled to define Europe as a continent, as the EU or as a set of values. Political orientation defined attitude; liberal publications in all three countries focused on the positives whereas conservative and business newspapers were more critical of Europe. There were, however, divergent national patterns. Coverage in Ukraine was positive mostly, in Russia more negative and the Polish perception significantly polarised. During and after Euromaidan, Ukrainian journalists used their powerful Europe-as-values concept to actively intervene in the political field and promote it in official foreign policy. This was enabled by abandoning journalistic neutrality. By comparison, Russian and Polish journalists were more dependent on the foreign policy narratives dispensed by political elites and more constrained in their social practice. / Denna studie undersöker hur Europa framställs i medier under Euromajdan och den efterföljande ukrainska-ryska krisen genom att analysera empiriskt material från Ukraina, Polen och Ryssland. Materialet omfattar artiklar från nio tidningar med olika politisk och journalistisk orientering samt intervjuer med journalister, diplomater och utrikespolitiska experter. I analysen ingår även relevanta politiska dokument, historiska texter och webbkällor. Materialet studeras utifrån en kombination av olika teoriperspektiv: Michel Foucaults diskursiva maktteori, postkolonial teori, Jürgen Habermas offentlighetsteori, Pierre Bourdieus fältteori, Jacques Derridas ”hauntology” och Ernesto Laclaus begrepp ”empty signifier”. Analysmetoderna omfattar begreppshistoria (Reinhart Koselleck), kritisk lingvistik samt kvalitativ diskursanalys (diskurshistorisk metod inspirerad av Wienerskolan) och kvantitativ innehållsanalys (i Klaus Krippendorffs tolkning). Historiskt karakteriseras Europaberättelserna i de tre länderna av det starka beroendet av Västeuropa, vilket reaktivt leder till perioder då Väst förkastas. Berättelserna rör sig mellan tre huvudpoler: idealiserande beundran, materialistisk pragmatism och geopolitisk demonisering. De är inte fast knutna till ett visst land utan har i skiftande grad varit närvarande i dem alla. Dock har svagare aktörer haft en idealiserande tendens eftersom Europa uppfattas som en källa till viktiga teknologier och moderna samhällsfunktioner. Författare i alla tre länderna hade svårigheter att definiera Europas gränser och eftersom detta problem kopplades till ländernas egna nationella identifikation brukar europeiskhet konstrueras som en våg som successivt försvagas ju vidare den sprids mot öster från sitt epicentrum någonstans i Nordvästeuropa. Dessa berättelser har reaktiverats och vidareutvecklats under 2013–2014. I de analyserade tidningarna uppfattas Europa ofta som en kontinent (främst i Polen) eller identifieras med EU (särskilt i Ryssland och Ukraina), men det är också vanligt att använda Europa som uttryck för en uppsättning värden (mindre vanligt i Polen och mest vanligt i Ukraina). Ideologiskt fokuserar de liberala tidningarna i alla tre länderna positiva värden medan konservativa tidningar och finansblad associerar Europa med negativa vär- den. Bland de positiva värdena dominerar de humanistiska i de ukrainska tidningarna och de rationalistisk-teknokratiska i det ryska urvalet. Den ukrainska pressen har mest positiv bevakning av Europas framgångar medan den ryska pressen innehåller mest av negativ bevakning där Europa ses som fiende och förlorare. Ukrainska och ryska diskurser skiljer sig mycket åt i frågan om det egna landet bör genomföra europeiska reformer (Ukraina) eller ej (Ryssland). Den polska bevakningen polariseras mellan positiva och negativa värden. Under och efter Euromajdan använde ukrainska journalister det kraftfulla begreppet om värdenas Europa för att intervenera i det politiska fältet och rekontextualisera denna Europaberättelse som den officiella utrikespolitikens berättelse. Detta blev paradoxalt möjligt tack vare den svaga professionaliseringen som tillät journalisterna att tillfälligt överge sin journalistiska neutralitet. I kontrast mot Ukraina begränsade Rysslands starka objektivitetsdiskurs journalisterna i deras sociala och politiska praktik. Där var det snarare den officiella politiska diskursen som övertogs och rekontextualiserades av medierna. Polska journalister var osäkra på sitt eget inflytande och arbetade i en cirkelrörelse där diskurser från mediesfären rekontextualiserades i det politiska fältet och omvänt. / Ця студія присвячена медіярепрезентаціям Европи під час Евромайдану та дальшої українсько-російської кризи, аналізуючи емпіричний матеріял з України, Польщі й Росії. Отой матеріял охоплює статті з дев’яти розмаїтих своєю політичною і журналістською орієнтацією газет, а також інтерв’ю з журналістами, дипломатами та експертами зі зовнішньої політики, користаючи при тім із доречних політичних документів, онлайнових та історичних джерел. Матеріял розглянуто з перспективи дискурсивної теорії влади Мішеля Фуко, постколоніяльної теорії, теорії громадськости Юрґена Габермаса, теорії полів П’єра Бурдьє, “hauntology” Жака Дерріди та поняття «порожнього означника» Ернеста Лякляу. Методи аналізу охоплюють історію понять (Райнгарт Козелек), критичну лінґвістику та якісний дискурс-аналіз (дискурсивно-історичний підхід підо впливом Віденської школи) і кількісний контент-аналіз (в інтерпретації Клявса Кріппендорфа). Історично національним наративам Европи у цих трьох країнах притаманна залежність від Заходу, яка також стимулює періоди його відштовхування. Ті наративи вагаються між трьома головними полюсами: захопленого ідеалізму, матеріялістичного прагматизму та геополітичного очорнення. Вони не є винятково притаманними якійсь одній країні і певною мірою присутні в кожній. Проте слабші актори схильні до ідеалізації, бо Европу сприймають за джерело важливого технологічного й соціяльного інструментарію. Авторам в усіх трьох країнах трудно визначити межі Европи, і, тимчасом як ця проблема переплелася була з їхньою власною ідентифікацією, европейськість зазвичай конструйовано на кшталт хвилі, що згасає в міру руху на Схід од епіцентру, розташованого десь ото в Північно-Східній Европі. Оці дискурси посилилися й розвинулися в 2013 – 2014 рр. В аналізованих газетах Европу асоціюють із цілим континентом (найчастіше в Польщі) або з ЕС (у Росії та в Україні), але розповсюджена й схема, де Европу використано на позначення певного набору вартостей, зрідка в Польщі, але найчастіше в Україні. Ідеологічно ліберальні видання в усіх трьох країнах зосереджені на позитивних вартостях, тоді як консервативні та бізнесові газети схиляються до неґативних. Серед позитивних якостей в українських газетах переважають гуманістичні, тоді як раціонально-технократичні типові для російської вибірки. Українська преса має найбільше позитивного висвітлення успішної Европи, а російські газети мають найбільше з усіх неґативного (Европа як ворог чи невдаха). Українські та російські дискурси найдужче різняться щодо того, чи своя країна мусить здійснювати европейські реформи (Україна) а чи ні (Росія). Польське висвітлення розривається межи позитивними а негативними вартостями. Під час та після Евромайдану українські журналісти використали впливове поняття Европи яко гуманістичних вартостей, щоб активно втрутитися в політичне поле й реконтекстуалізувати цей наратив Европи як офіційний наратив зовнішньої політики держави. Цьому парадоксально сприяла слабка професіоналізація, що дозволяє іґнорувати вимогу неупереджености. Порівняно з цим, потужний дискурс газетярської об’єктивности в Росії стримує журналістів у репертуарі соціяльної дії, відтак то радше медії реконтекстуалізують офіційний дискурс. Польські ж газетярі, непевні щодо власного впливу, працюють у замкненому колі, де політичне поле реконтекстуалізує наративи медіясфери і навпаки.

This thesis addresses the socio-cultural configurations in Liberia in relation to climate resilient development and feminist foreign policy carried out by the Embassy of Sweden in Monrovia. It builds on the intention to explore potential points of integration between the feminist foreign policy with the construction of climate adaptation capacity. Research on climate adaptation actions demonstrates the need to engage more deeply with vulnerability contexts and embed the implementation process in local practice, value and experience. This study explores Liberian society as a case study to examine how feminist foreign policy and climate resilient development can be incorporated fit to the socio-cultural configurations. Methodologically, the study adopts an ethnographic framework. It draws on Butler’s performative notion of gender (1990, 1999, 2007) and ecological masculinities developed by Hultman and Pulé (2021) along with theories of environmental femininity by Bob Pease (2019). Empirically, the study is based on fieldwork in the form of participant observation, ethnographic interviews and document analysis.The results suggest that socio-cultural configurations are permeated by a patriarchal structure with traditional beliefs that householding tasks are linked to female obligations, leading to a disparity in responsibilities and accessibility to cultural activities. Stereotypical notions of masculinity are based on heteronormative assumptions that men should demonstrate dominance, self-reliance, and restrain emotions. The empirical work signifies that Liberian norms of masculinity lead to a reluctance to cooperativeness, block societal development and lead to unnecessary individual suffering. The culture is concluded to be centered around men, while women take a larger workload in key societal activities. Citizens experience that the state doesn't recognize them as equal participants, therefore forfeiting the opportunity to foster vital social capital that could enhance both state legitimacy and the effectiveness of public service delivery. The results illustrate the importance of considering citizens of marginalized areas as stakeholders in decision-making to enable engagement in development processes. Citizens from marginalized areas have their own underlying logic and views of the world. The thesis concludes that the socio-cultural configurations not just produce possible integration between climate resilient development and feminist foreign policy, but even forces the two to be pursued as interdependent processes. Advancing climate resilient development and feminist foreign policy in an integrated manner is thought to increase each other’s effectiveness and achieving them is possible when interdependence is leveraged. This thesis argues that the inauguration of female leadership and changing the perception of what masculinity stands for are the most distinctive points of integration in Liberian socio-cultural configurations. The thesis concludes seven possible procedures for the Embassy of Sweden in Monrovia to achieve climate resilient development aligned with the existing feminist objectives: 1. Include landownership in female empowerment strategies. 2. Transform masculinity normsthrough consultation-groups. 3. Focus on family configurations. 4. Work with religious leaders. 5.Embed policies in informal networks. 6. Encourage female-centered cultural activities and 7. Benefiton the knowledge of grassroots organizations to adopt an ethnographic approach. / Det här examensarbetet behandlar sociokulturella konfigurationer i Liberia och undersöker hur de kan relateras till klimatresilient utveckling och den feministiska utrikespolitik som bedrivs av Sveriges ambassad i Monrovia. Arbetet utforskar potentiella integrationsmöjligheter mellan feministiska utrikespolitik och lokal anpassning till klimatförändringar. Tidigare forskning om klimatanpassningsåtgärder visar behovet av att engagera sig i utsatta områden och förankra implementeringsprocessen i lokala erfarenheter, värderingar och beteendemönster. Med det i åtanke intenderar studien att undersöka det liberianska samhället som en fallstudie för attanalysera hur feministisk utrikespolitik och klimatresilient utveckling kan integreras med sociokulturella konfigurationer. Metodologiskt antar studien ett etnografiskt förhållningssätt där det empiriska arbetet består av fältarbete i form av deltagande observation, etnografiska intervjuer och dokumentanalys. Det teoretiska ramverket på Butlers performativa föreställning om kön (1990,1999, 2007), ekologiska maskuliniteter formulerade av Hultman och Pulé (2021) och teorier om miljöfeminism av Bob Pease (2019).Resultaten illustrerar att de sociokulturella konfigurationerna genomsyras av en patriarkal struktur som innefattar traditionella ideér om att hushållssysslor är kopplat till kvinnligt åliggande, vilket i förlängningen leder till skillnader i ansvarstagande för samhälleliga aktiviteter. Stereotypa föreställningar om maskulinitet bygger på heteronormativa antaganden om att män bör visa dominans, självtillit och emotionell tillbakadragenhet. Det empiriska arbetet påvisar att liberianska maskulinitetsnormer leder till en motvilja mot samarbete, blockerar samhällsutveckling och bidrar till onödigt lidande både för män och kvinnor. Kulturen anses vara centrerad kring män, medan kvinnor tar en större arbetsbörda i flertalet viktiga samhällsfunktioner. Resultaten visar också att medborgare upplever att staten inte ser dem som likvärdiga deltagare i samhällsprocesser. Därmed försummas en möjlighet att skapa socialt kapital som kan främja statens legitimitet och effektivitet i offentliga tjänster. Resultaten antyder att medborgare från marginaliserade områden har en egen bakomliggande logik och syn på världen. Dessa medborgare bör betraktas som viktiga intressenter i beslutsfattande för att möjliggöra engagemang i utvecklingsprocesser. Arbetet drar slutsatsen att de sociokulturella konfigurationerna inte bara producerar en möjlighet för integrering mellan klimatresilient utveckling och feministisk utrikespolitik, utan även tvingar de att implementeras som två ömsesidigt beroende processer. Att främja klimatresilient utveckling och feministisk utrikespolitik på ett integrerat sätt anses öka varandras effektivitet och att uppnå dem är möjligt först när beroendet utnyttjas. Arbetet framhåller att en ökning av kvinnliga ledare och att förändra bilden av vad maskulinitet innebär är distinkta möjligheter för att integrera klimatresilientutveckling och feministisk utrikespolitik i de liberianska sociokulturella konfigurationer. Arbetetringar in sju möjliga riktlinjer för Sveriges ambassad i Monrovia för att uppnå klimatresilientutveckling med befintliga feministiska mål:1. Inkludera markägande i strategier för jämställdhet. 2. Ändra maskulinitetsnormer genom konsultationsgrupper. 3. Fokusera på familjekonfigurationer. 4. Arbeta med religiösa ledare. 5.Förankra policies i informella nätverk. 6. Främja kvinnocentrerad kulturverksamhet och 7. Antag ett etnografiskt förhållningssätt i samråd med gräsrotsorganisationer.