Syftet med föreliggande studie har varit att undersöka hur de svenska ytterkantspartierna, Sverigedemokraterna och Vänsterpartiet, framställs och porträtteras i läromedel. För att undersöka detta har olika teman tagits fram utifrån de politiska skalorna och en semiotiskt-didaktisk analysmodell. Utifrån dessa teorier och modeller har en studie med kvalitativ och kvantitativ metod genomförts på läromedlen. I studien har det framkommit att det återfinns skillnader i hur partierna framställs. Sverigedemokraterna porträtteras som ett TAN-parti och får vaga beskrivningar på den klassiska höger- och vänsterskalan. Vänsterpartiet beskrivs som ett klart vänsterparti på höger- och vänsterskalan och GAL-parti på GAL-TAN-skalan, men har en svagare framställning som GAL-parti då det finns en avsaknad av sakpolitisk koppling. Båda partiernas historia lyfts fram men i varierande grad men även på vilket sätt de framställs ha hanterat sin historia. I diskussionen lyfts det fram hur partiernas framställningar tenderar att stämma överens med den tidigare forskningen på ämnet på en del punkter medan den skiljer sig på andra.

Ur ett didaktiskt perspektiv så är det nu mera viktigt för alla lärare att kunna diskutera sexualitet, samtycke och relationer. Denna studie syftar till att genomföra en komparativ innehållsanalys av två motioner med syftet att reglera eller förbjuda pornografin. Syftar är inte på att argumentera mer för ett partis motion än den andra. Syftet är att analysera motionernas centrala argument. Frågeställningarna är, Vad definieras som pornografi i motionerna? Där visar analysen att Kristendemokraterna definierar pornografi som våld och Vänsterpartiet definierar pornografi som makt och våld. Frågeställning nummer två löd vad ställer respektive parti för krav i sina motioner? Analysen visar att båda partierna kräver utredningar av pornografi och lagarna som rör pornografin. Frågeställning nummer tre löd vad har respektive motion för unika argument? Vänsterpartiets unika argument handlar om rasism inom pornografin. Varav Kristdemokraternas unika argument handlar om skillnaderna mellan könen. Studien avslutas med att diskutera dess relevans för religionsundervisning.

Denna uppsats analyserar det Vänsterpartiet, ett svenskt socialistiskt parti och dess ideologiska utveckling. Vänsterpartiet förhöll sig till kommunism som sin huvudsakliga ideologi fram till år 1990, och förhåller sig sedan dess till en reformistisk och demokratisk socialism. Vårt mål med denna uppsats var att analysera kommunismens inflytande inom dagens vänsterparti, det vill säga om och ifall hur ideologin påverkar partiets politik och världssyn. Vi analyserar frågan utifrån en deliberativ demokratiteori. Behovet av denna undersökning, bygger på det faktum att det bidrar till vår förståelse över ett inflytelserikt och relevant politiskt parti i Sverige. Dessutom förbättrar det vår förmåga att analysera ideologi, samt förstå hur detta kan komma att påverka ett partis eller organisations tillvägagångssätt. Denna analys genomfördes med hjälp av ett analysschema, samt en kortare analys av Vänsterpartiets senaste trettio år som ett politiskt parti. Vår uppsats tyder på att Vänsterpartiet än idag förhåller sig till och anammar vissa aspekter av den kommunistiska ideologin, samt att ideologin är relativt accepterad inom partiet. Vänsterpartiet i sig är dock nuförtiden inte ett kommunistiskt parti.

This essay aims to study the Communist Party in Karlstad, Sweden. The study starts with theseparation from the Social Democratic party in 1917 and follows the local party thru the early years tothe joining of the Comintern in 1921. The study then follows the local district to 1924. By using anactor and structure perspective the hope is to identify how the local district is changed and affected byoutside influences. The study also aims the see how a local communist district is structured and whothe local actors within the district are. To answer these questions a protocol book from Karlstad’s Communist party is used as the study’s main source. The chosen method for this study was aqualitative and this meant examining the material and then identify relevant data by sorting themaccording to three categories. These categories were based on the three research questions of the study.In the study Robert Michels theory, the iron law of Oligarchy is used to analyse the result. The resultof the study is presented chronologically. The result of the study showed that Karlstad’s early leftwing opposition had several people thatbecame leading figures in the growing party. They worked with agitating and addressing people withspeeches and the party magazine. When the leftwing opposition became a part of the internationalcommunist movement and renaming itself Karlstad’s Communist Worker state, the party madeattempts to organize. Before joining the Comintern actors within the party were able to express anddiscuss opinions. After joining, opinions that were out of line from that of the party were frownedupon and actions were at some points taken against this.In the discussion of the result, discussions were held with previous research within the same topic.While little research has been made on the communist movement in Karlstad, national andinternational material were used as comparison. In the discussion of the result, discussions were held with previous research within the same topic.While little research has been made on the communist movement in Karlstad, national andinternational material were used as comparison. In the discussion there were several ideologicalpatterns used to explain actions made by the party. The actor and structure perspective was also usedfor this purpose, as well as Robert Michels theory The iron law of Oligarchy.

Populism, what is that really? Is it like a wave of populism we standing in front of with Donald Trump and Marine Le Pen in its lead? Well, that’s very hard to say. Research have shown that it´s very hard to exactly say anything about what populism is. But, in this study several different research has been put together with four concrete criterions as a result. These four criterions will be useful as a theoretical framework, to analyse four Swedish parties’ participation in two different welfare-debates. Which one of them uses populism? It will also be useful for this study’s second question, if populism is a useful concept of analysing political parties? The method used in this study is text analysis, with the spoken text in the debates in focus. The result shows the complexity of populism as a concept, but also that all the parties, accept one, uses populism in the two debates, more or less.   The conclusion is that populism as a concept is far too big, and far too widespread to analyse in a research of this size, and therefore it´s necessary to cut things of.

This thesis deals with the cultural efforts of the Swedish labour movement during the periodof 1917-1939. It aims to examine the similarities and differences between social democratsand communists in their approach towards culture.My theoretical guidelines are the dialectic and materialistic view on history as set forth byKarl Marx and Friedrich Engels.I have examined some important individuals in the cultural debate within the Swedish labourmovement, such as Ture Nerman and Arthur Engberg, and I also briefly outline the debate inthe Soviet Union from the classics of Lenin and Stalin.I have found that the social democrats were mainly concerned with a democratic distributionof the existing bourgeois culture rather than working for the creation of a new proletarianculture; the communists on the other hand made considerable efforts to benefit the workers'own culture based on class struggle, but failed to threaten the social democratic ideologicalhegemony among the Swedish working class.

<p>This paper addresses how political parties make decisions. Parties often have to choose between conflicting objectives such as influence on policy, control of the government, and support among the voters. This paper examines the behavior of the two Swedish parties on one of their particular policy positions: Swedish withdrawal from the EU. The aim is to describe why the Left Party (Vänsterpartiet) and the Green Party (Miljöpartiet) retain this</p><p>specific policy position when it on one hand seems damaging to their chances of getting into government, and on the other seems to be an unrealistic policy to realize. I undertake a twocase study of the two Swedish parties, which I assume to represent a population of Nordic parties critical to the EU. I employ a theory based on an analytical framework of three models of party goals and behaviors: office, policy or votes. The analysis seeks to identify the factors</p><p>and the motives behind the parties’ stubborn policy. By studying material from two party congresses and interviewing representatives from each party, I conclude that the policy position is important mainly for reasons of principle and symbolism. The structure of the EU represents all that the Left and the Greens dislike and, together with the Swedish critical EU opinion, it becomes almost a duty for the parties to keep their strong aversion towards Swedish membership in the EU. And while the parties do not perceive that the keeping of the policy would be an obstacle for other party goals, it will not be cut out from the party program.</p>

<p>The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism. On the other hand Vänsterpartiet, Socialdemokraterna and Centerpartiet are in favour of multiculturalism whereas Folkpartiet, Kristdemokraterna, Miljöpartiet, and Moderaterna contain more than one integration theory.</p>

The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism. On the other hand Vänsterpartiet, Socialdemokraterna and Centerpartiet are in favour of multiculturalism whereas Folkpartiet, Kristdemokraterna, Miljöpartiet, and Moderaterna contain more than one integration theory.

The purpose with this essay is to examine the Liberal Party and the Left Party´s views on homework, if the parties considers that homework affects the schools plan for equivalence and if the parties disagreement can be related to their different ideologies. To answer the purpose I have used following questions: How do the Liberal Party and the Left Party define the concept of homework?, What is the purpose of homework in primary schools according to the Liberal Party and the Left Party?, What are the arguments for and against homework and do homework affects the schools plan for equivalence according to the parties? and Can the parties' views on homework be related to their respective ideologies? The method used is a qualitative textual analysis with focus on the idea analysis. The material consist of relevant newspaper articles, news and debate clips and the parties various party programs, during the time frame of 2006-05-31 - 2013-10-14. To answer the purpose I also used different types of discourse theories, equivalence theory and the ideologies liberalism and reformist socialism as theories. The results shows that the Liberal Party and the Left Party have different views about what a homework should be considered as and that both parties thinks that homework can affect the schools plan for equivalence, but they have different perceptions about how. The Left Party believes that homework should be done during school time and The Liberal Party believes that homework should be done after school. Their different views and values regarding homework can also be relate to their different ideologies. A possible idea that I also can find from the results is that the parties different opinions can be based on that they refers to pupils of different age groups when they discuss the topic of homework.