The purpose of this study is to examine the use of fear in oral political communication. For the study, speeches held during the political event Almedalsveckan 2017, by representatives from three Swedish political parties, are analyzed. The authors are using the following questions to carry out the analysis; ¤ Are elements of fear expressed in the speeches and to which extent? ¤ In which ways are fear used in the speeches? ¤ Are there any political questions for which all party representatives express fear? Former studies have suggested that politicians in some ways are driven by fear and that fear is a fertile ground for building politics upon. The method used for the analysis is an ideal analysis which includes the use of abstract and concrete dimensions of fear as the analytical instrument. Results of the study shows that the speeches do include expressions of both concrete and abstract fear, to a varying extent. Vio-lence, threats, extremism and social disruption are elements of fear which are expressed by all representatives.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka och jämföra hur Jonas Sjöstedt och Jimmie Åkesson bygger sitt ethos under sina respektive tal i Almedalen år 2016. För att undersöka hur Sjöstedt och Åkesson bygger sitt ethos har vi gjort en hermeneutisk närläsning av materialet, för att sedan kunna göra en komparativ analys av de likheter och skillnader i hur de bygger sitt ethos. Materialet som uppsatsen grundar sig i är talmanus av de båda talen som publicerats av respektive parti. Resultatet av studien visar att de båda talarna bygger sitt ethos med hjälp av pathos och logos. Vidare skapar de båda talarna en “vi mot dem” -känsla för att bygga sitt ethos, och slutligen ser vi att de båda talarna tenderar att normalisera sin politik, men detta i olika hög grad.

This essay will address the question of the extent and the way in which the communist ideology is expressed in the left party of Sweden from 1987 until 2016. Before the 1990s, the party was called Left party communists (VPK) in order not to be connected with communism and the Soviet Union and the party had to modernize and become independent, therefore the party had to change their name to left-party (V). This Ideological development has been studied through the ideal type analysis based on the key variables found in the communist ideology and comparing it with the party programs and party leader's speech to answer the main question. It will also present what other left-wing ideologies are expressed and what significance they have had for the party's ideological alignment today.

The purpose of this study is to empirically investigate if the gender of a political party leader affects the attitudes that male and female voters have towards him or her, with hope to contribute to the research field regarding voting behavior in parliamentary democracies. The hypothesis, which is derived from previous research on the field, is that men have a more positive attitude towards male party leaders than woman have, while women have a more positive attitude towards female party leaders than men have. To test the hypothesis, large amounts of data from a Swedish election research project (Svensk Valundersökning) is being examined. Specific data regarding male and female voters’ attitudes towards the party leaders Lars Werner (Left Party) 1991, Gudrun Schyman (Left Party) 1994, Lennart Daléus (Center Party) 1998 and Maud Olofsson (Center Party) 2002, is being analyzed through multiple regression analysis.  The findings of the study are that for the party leaders of the Left party, there is a statistically significant correlation that male voters are more positively set towards the male party leader Lars Werner, while female voters are more positively set towards the female party leader Gudrun Schyman. However, for the party leaders of the Center Party, no statistically significant correlation was found between sharing the sex of the party leader and having a more positive attitude towards him or her. This implies that the hypothesis is in need of supplementation, which is why alternative theories are brought up and discussed in the final parts of the study. This study can serve as a foundation for future research on male and female voter behavior, and the significance of the gender of a party leader.

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This essay compares two party programmes with each other, both of the programmes are from the Swedish party Vänsterpartiet. The first program was written in 1917 and the second is the latest form 2018. However, before delving into the two programmes this essay takes a lending hand from Andrew Heywood and borrows his definition of socialism, Marxism and feminism. Further on in the essay the two party programmes are presented, starting with the oldest section and followed by the latest. To each section a comment follows with my analysis on the chosen segment. The essay’s aim is to discover how Vänsterpartiet have changed it’s program from 1917 to 2018.  The analysis shows that the party Vänsterpartiet has developed a more diverse party program, they party program includes socialism, neomarxism and socialistic feminism. The new party program contrasts the previous party program from 1917 which mainly focuses on Marxism and socialism. The result indicates a party that is moving forward as the times changes, however, some values from the 1917 program still exists in these modern times.

This essay was intended to analyse and categorize the feminist approach of four Swedishparliamentary parties consisting of the Moderates, Sweden Democrats, Social DemocraticParty, and the Left Party. The subjects of this scientific analysis have therefore consisted ofthe election manifestos, party programs and statements on individual political subjects fromthe respective parties. The methodological approach of the aforementioned analysis consistedof a qualitative idea analysis that was formulated towards the goal of identifying theirrespective reality description, problem formulation and advocated solutions/actions. Theresearch delimitation was in turn restricted to three pre-selected issues/political subjectsrelated to the topic of equality. These consisted of men´s violence towards women, economicinequality, and working environment/work safety. The result of this study varied between theparties that were subjected to the analysis and provided an initial insight into the feministstandpoint of said actors. This included the conclusion that there are varied perspectivesregarding how equality is defined, the problems related to the topic, and which measures thatare considered to be the most suitable to mitigate and manage these existing issues.

This essay, ”The word is Mightier than the Sword” compares and contrasts one speech from two different political parties, held on International Worker’s day in Sweden. The aim is to discover differences and similarities in the use of topoi, attitudes and rhetorical identification. The material is gathered from 2022, which includes one speech from Vänsterpartiet (the Left Party) and one from Sverigedemokraterna (the Sweden democrats). The 1:st of May is a democratic day which is the labor movement's international celebration and demonstration day. Today politicians, even though they don't identify with the purpose of this day, sees this as a possibility to win more voters and support. The result shows that the Left Party is using more of the topos ”blaming” on the government as whole and the Swedish Democrats use a negative attitude throughout the speech with personal attacks and attacks against culture. The left party focuses more on rhetorical identification between them and the audience, and the Swedish Democrats are trying to create a new identification between the nation, Sweden, and the audience.

The aim of this essay is to show if and how group identities are being constructed in maindocuments from three political parties in the Swedish parliament, focusing on class, genderand ethnic identities. The three parties who’s documents are being analyzed are theModerate Party, the Sweden Democrats and the Left Party. The conclusion of the essay isthat the Moderate Party is so focused on the individual that they are not promoting groupidentity based on class, gender or ethnicity. The Sweden Democrats are mostly discussing,and therefore creating a discourse of, cultural identity, where Swedish, Nordic, Europeanand Western culture are being created as the ‘us’, and others are being created as ‘them’.They are also promoting difference between men and women, therefore dividing the sexesin groups. The Left Party are focused on class, and are dividing people in working class (themajority) and the elite (the minority). They are also creating a ‘us’ and ‘them’ whilediscussing the patriarchy, a system in which the man is superior and the woman is inferior.

Abstract C-level in Political Science by Christoffer Odén, vt-08 “Traditionalism versus Modernism. The Ideology Debate in Left-Socialist Party Today” Instructor: Mats Lindberg The purpose with this essay is to describe the ideology debate in Left-Socialist Party between traditionalists and modernists. This essay have the following questions: 1 ) What are the differences between traditional and modern politics in the Left-Socialist Party? 2 ) What is similar between traditional and modern politics in the Left-Socialist Party? My method is to analyse the Left-Socialist Party programme from 2004 and analyse a programme from the modernist organisation Vagval Vanster. Then I shall compare the political views between those programmes. My results show that there are many differences but also similarity. For example the traditionalism wants to keep their political views and wait on the citizens to realise that a better world is possible. The modernists seek to renew their political views beacause they believe that no party has a self-value. The big similarity between the two groups are that they think the present society is unjust and not democratic enough. I think this essay has been very stimulating and I was suprised of some of the differences between the two groups.