This thesis studies the influence of ethnicity, nationality, and occupation upon military selection of the residents of Ohio during the First World War. This is a quantitative study, based on a data set constructed from samples of the 1910 and 1920 censuses and The Official Roster of Ohio Soldiers, Sailors, and Marines in the World War, 1917-1918. Chapter I introduces the sources and the methodology. Chapter II examines the ethnicity of conscripts, and whether or not ethnic identities affected draft registration or military selection. Chapter III examines the numerical significance of resident aliens in the military population. Chapter IV examines the influence of social class on conscription: determining whether persons of wealth avoided military service and the influence of occupational deferments on the population at risk. Chapter V concludes the thesis by summarizing the results.

Die Studie untersucht am Beispiel der sächsischen Residenz- und Garnisonsstadt Dresden die mit Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges einsetzende Einbindung der freien Fürsorge in die sich zunehmend professionalisierende und bürokratisierende öffentliche Wohlfahrtspflege und stellt damit gleichsam die Bedeutung der "Sozialstadt" als Vorläuferin des späteren "Sozialstaates" heraus. Die sozialpolitische Katalysatorwirkung des Krieges wird anhand der einzelnen Fürsorgemaßnahmen ausführlich analysiert. Im Vordergrund steht dabei die Rolle der Sozialdemokratie als tragende Kraft des fürsorgepolitischen Konsenses in Dresden.

Independent Poland ceased to exist in 1795 and the various insurrections to restore the Polish state were thwarted by the Germans, Austro-Hungarians, and Russians. During the First World War, Polish statesmen called upon the thousands of Polish immigrants in the United States to join the Polish Army in France, a military force funded by the French government and organized by the Polish Falcons of America and Ignacy Paderewski, the world-famous Polish pianist. Over 20,000 men trained in Canada and fought in the final months of the war on the Western front. While in France they were placed under the command of General Jozef Haller and became known as Haller’s Army. At the conclusion of the war, the Allied leaders at the Paris Peace Conference decided to send the soldiers to Poland to fight in the Polish-Soviet War to stop the western advance of the Bolsheviks. When the war ended, the United States government, with the influence of Secretary of State Robert Lansing, funded the return of the soldiers to their homes in the United States. This dissertation focuses on questions of the relationships among foreign policy, nationalism, and immigration and investigates forced recruitment, dissatisfaction with the cause of Polish independence exacerbated by difficult wartime conditions, nationalism among immigrant groups, ethnic identity, and anti-Semitism.

No description available.

Military command is the single most important factor in the conduct of warfare. To understand war and military success and failure, historians need to explore command structures and the relationships between commanders. In World War I, a new level of higher command had emerged: the corps commander. Between 1914 and 1918, the role of corps commanders and the demands placed upon them constantly changed as experiences brought illumination and insight. Yet the men who occupied these positions were sometimes unable to cope with the changing circumstances and the many significant limitations which were imposed upon them. Of the World War I corps commanders, William Birdwood was one of the longest serving. From the time of his appointment in December 1914 until May 1918, Birdwood acquired an experience of corps command which was perhaps more diverse than his contemporaries during this time. He is, then, an ideal subject for a prolonged assessment of this level of command. This thesis has two principal objectives. The first is to identify and assess those factors which limited Birdwood???s capacity and ability to command. The second is to explore the institutional constraints placed on corps commanders during the 1914-1918 war. Surprisingly, this is a comparatively barren area of research. Because very few officers spent much time as corps commanders on their way to higher command appointments and because the role of the corps commanders in military planning and in the conduct of operations was not immediately apparent, their role has been practically ignored. Historians have tended to concentrate on the Army and divisional levels creating a deficient view of higher military command in World War I. However, corps commanders could and did play an important part in planning operations and in military affairs generally. Birdwood???s experience at Gallipoli and in France reflect some of the changes to command structures that were prompted by the successes and failures of operations directed at the corps level. In as much as these two theatres of war were vastly different and Birdwood was confronted with dissimilar problems, it is possible to draw some general conclusions about the evolution of higher command after 1914. Using a wide range of primary and secondary sources located in Australian and British archives, this thesis traces Birdwood???s career as a corps commander at Gallipoli and on the Western Front. It also examines his tenure as G.O.C. of the A.I.F.

No abstract available

The study describes the formation and the establishment of the first urban congregation of the Berlin Mission in the Cape at the turn of the century. The establishment of the Cape Town Congregation was not a result of urban mission work but rather a result of the townward movement of rural coloured people who already belonged to the Berlin Mission Church. At first the mission headquarters in Berlin resisted an involvement in Cape Town, but the members there and the missionaries of the Cape Synod urged the Berl in Mission to accept the responsibility. Fol lowing the advice of the Moravian Mission the Berliners finally sent a missionary, and declared the congregation as a proper mission station on May 7, 1907. The study closes with the consecration of the church building in Searle Street in 1923 as a visible sign for the establishment of the Berlin Mission Church in Cape Town. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

L’hebdomadaire en langue basque Eskualduna fut fondé par l’homme politique bonapartisteLouis Etcheverry, dans un climat de tensions politiques entre les blancs et les rouges. Ils’agissait d’un hebdomadaire proche de l’Eglise, contre la République et politiquement lié àla droite française. Il avait des milliers de lecteurs, en Pays Basque nord. C’est dans cecontexte que prenait corps la conscience nationale française. Et le bras-de-fer entre les états-nations européens éclata en 1914, avec la Première Guerre Mondiale. Eskualdunadonna un grand écho à la guerre; ses rédacteurs, étant mobilisés, écrivaient des articlesdirectement du front. En plus des problèmes logistiques, le journal devait subir la censure,même s’il la justifiait. Sur le déroulement de la guerre, il affirmait sans cesse que la Francese trouvait dans une bonne situation, il minimisait les revers et insistait sur les bonnesnouvelles pour la France. Même si le caractère basque avait une grande présence dans lescolonnes du journal, il ne fallait pas interprêter cela comme une manifestation d’uneconscience nationale basque; au contraire, le journal s’identifiait totalement à la France, etpour les rédacteurs, le fait d’être basque faisait parti de l’identité française. Le caractèrecatholique était le troisième axe de l’identité du journal. Ils avait accordé une grandeimportance au fait de souligner que les soldats étaient de bons chrétiens et que Dieu étaitaux côtés de la France. Ainsi, Eskualduna essayait de démontrer que les conséquences de laloi de séparation de l’Eglise et de l’Etat étaient injustes, et de revendiquer que la Franceétait bel et bien un pays chrétien. / The Basque language weekly Eskualduna was founded by Louis Etcheverry the Bonapartistpolitician, in a climate of political tension between the white and red. It was a weekly thatwas close to the Church, opposed the Republic and was politically linked to the FrenchRight. The publication had thousands of readers in the Continental Basque Country. It wasin this context that the French national consciousness was being constructed, and the tugof-war between European nation-states in 1914 broke out with the First World War.Eskualduna gave a major coverage of the war. Its editors and reporters were mobilized andthe weekly published articles written directly from the war front. In addition to logisticalproblems, the newspaper had to undergo censorship, even if publication accepted theofficial warrant. During the war, the weekly asserted that France was in a good situation; itminimized the lapels and emphasized the good news for France. Although the Basquecharacter had a great presence in the newspaper, this should not be interpreted as amanifestation of a Basque national consciousness. On the contrary, the newspaper, and its6editors, identified with France. Basque identity was understood as forming part of Frenchidentity. The Catholic nature was the third axis of the of the publication’s characteristics.The weekly emphasized the fact that soldiers were good Christians and that God was withFrance. Hence, Eskualduna tried to demonstrate that the consequences of the lawseparating Church and State were unfair and it claimed that France was indeed a Christiancountry. / Eskualduna euskarazko astekaria zurien eta gorrien arteko lehia politikoaren erdian sortuzuen Louis Etcheverry politikari bonapartistak. Elizarengandik hurbil, eta Errepublikarenkontra, Frantziako eskuinaren ildo politikoko astekaria zen, eta Ipar Euskal Herriko milakaetxetara heltzen zen. Giro hartan gorpuzten ari zen frantses nazioaren kontzientzia, etaEuropako estatu-nazioen arteko lehia 1914ean lehertu zen, Lehen Gerla Mundialean.Eskualduna-k oihartzun handia eman zion gerla hari; bere idazle batzuek gerlako lekuetatikberriak igortzen zituzten. Azpiegitura arazoez gain, zentsuraren arauak ere jasan behar izanzituen, nahiz eta horrekin bat egin. Gerlaz eman zituen berriekin Frantzia egoera oneanzegoela erakutsi nahi izan zuen, gerlaren alde gogorrak gutxietsiz, eta ahal zen guztietanberriak berri on gisa aurkeztuz, alegia, Frantziaren aldeko gisa. Nahiz eta euskal izaerak lekuhandia zuen astekariko artikuluetan, soldaduen gutunetan nabaritu zitekeen herriminarengibelean ez zegoen euskal kontzientzia nazionalik; alderantziz, osoki identifikatzen zirenFrantziarekin, eta euskaldun izatea frantses izatearen parte zen. Giristino izaera, Eskualdunaegiten zutenen nortasunaren hirugarren zutabea zen. Garrantzia eman zioten soldaduakgiristino onak zirela eta Jainkoa Frantziaren alde zela azpimarratzeari. Gisa horretan,Elizaren eta Estatuaren bereizte legearen ondorioz elizgizonen baztertzea zuzen-kontrakoazela erakutsi nahi izan zuten, eta Frantzia herri giristinoa zela aldarrikatu.

Cette étude, qui ne cherche par l’exhaustivité, se présente plutôt comme un « état des lieux », à l’échelle départementale, de l’impact des relations Église/État sur l’opinion. Elle décrit les prises de position, les réactions et des démarches pour ou contre la politique de l’État face à l’Église durant plus de vingt-cinq ans. La période étudiée, qui s’étend de 1900 à 1926, débute à la mise en place des lois contre les congrégations religieuses et des mesures de laïcisation de l’espace public qui font suite à la politique anticléricale largement entamée au cours du siècle précédent. Elle se termine avec la condamnation de l’Action française par le Vatican et la fin du Cartel des Gauches. Elle passe également par la loi de Séparation de l’Eglise et de l’Etat de 1905 et par la Première Guerre mondiale, quand les curés devinrent frères d’armes. L’Hérault apparaît comme un département contrasté, à forte composante anticléricale mais où la religion garde néanmoins toute sa place. En effet, dans ce département réputé appartenir au « Midi rouge » et qui aurait dû, si on se fie à cette « image d’Epinal », soutenir dans son ensemble la politique anticléricale du gouvernement radical-socialiste, la résistance a pu parfois atteindre la passion et présenter les mêmes péripéties que dans des régions réputées de tradition catholique et conservatrice. / This study is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather a description of the impact of the relations between Church and State on public opinion in the Hérault department. It presents the various stances, reactions and steps taken in favour of, or against, state policies concerning the Church over a period of more than twenty-five years. The period investigated, between 1900 and 1926, starts with the enactment of the laws against religious institutions and the measures taken to secularise the public domain, following on from the anticlerical policies begun during the previous century, and ends with the condemnation of “Action Française” by the Vatican and the demise of the “Left Wing Cartel”. It also includes the separation of Church and State in 1905 and World War I, during which priests served in the French army. There were marked differences of belief in the Hérault department where there was not only a strong anti-clerical movement but also great importance attached to religion. For, in this department, well-known as a “red” department, resistance to the above measures could reach passionate heights similar to those in some areas known for their Catholic and conservative traditions.

In spite of an ever-growing supply of metals, actors have long feared metal shortages. This thesis – departing from an understanding that metals scarcity is not an objective geological fact, but an experience, a fear of a shortage – explores why business and state actors have experienced metals as scarce and how they coped with scarcity from 1870 to 2015. The underlying reasons for scarcity experiences originated in high prices, a lack of substitutes, domestic unavailability, limited infrastructure and increased demand. In the view of businesses and the state, a shortage of metals could hinder successful industrialization. Defining metals as scarce was a first step in their attempts to ensure access through exploration, recycling, substitution, and trade agreements. This dissertation presents five case studies which provide insights into three selected aspects of metals scarcity that have been overlooked in previous studies. First, while small countries experienced and coped with metals scarcity in a similar way to large nations, they were more vulnerable because of their dependence on transnational flows controlled by larger countries. Yet if they remained neutral in international conflicts, they could enjoy other opportunities to import resources than their larger rivals. Second, industries experienced metals scarcity before World War I; with the onset of the Second Industrial Revolution, at the very latest, new technologies were often dependent on metals which had never before been used commercially – there were not yet any extraction systems in place. However, once these metals began to circulate, state actors became aware of the international traffic and began to classify certain metals as critical. Thirdly, technological change has affected – and been affected by – metals scarcity. If a metal was scarce, manufacturers were likely to embark on a different path to production. Inversely, sometimes new technologies were able to alleviate perceptions of scarcity. / <p>QC 20171206</p>