The purposes of this study, taking National Sun Yat-Sen University¡]NSYSU¡^as an example, are to understand the current status of external marketing, internal marketing and interactive marketing endeavors and also to analyze the perceptive difference in different backgrounds of undergraduates of NSYSU. Based on the results of investigation, conclusions and recommendations has been generated, providing analytical design for higher education institutions and also act as a reference for future research. This study is taking place by the method of interviewing and questionnaire survey. In the section of interviews, a generalized interview summary has been written in the accordance of the documentary analysis. One representative person is selected from among the groups of marketing affairs in National Sun Yat-Sen University, five persons in total and a semi-structured interview method has been adopted. As for the questionnaire survey, based upon the paradigm questionnaires by Wang I-Ting, Lee Chun-Ling, Cheng Jane-Pei et al., a questionnaire was revised from several paradigms by the researcher and named ¡§Questionnaire of National Sun Yat-Sen University Marketing Strategies¡¨, and were delivered to 600 undergraduates of NSYSU with 497 copies returned valid. The results and information collected from the questionnaire were analyzed and compared by statistical methods of item analysis, factor analysis, reliability analysis, mean, standard deviation, t test, one-way ANOVA. After integrating the results both from interviews and questionnaire survey, some conclusions have been reach and several recommendations were raised by the researcher. The conclusions of this research are as follows¡G 1. The current external marketing level of¡@NSYSU is right in the middle level, with perception of ¡§place strategy¡¨ being the highest among students, but the perception experience with ¡§all marketing strategy¡¨ is lowest. 2. The current internal marketing strategy of NSYSU are ¡§refresher course training ¡¨, ¡§participation and authorization¡¨, ¡§positive encourage¡¨, ¡§high-grade environment¡¨ and ¡§congregate the communication¡¨. 3. The current interview marketing level of¡@NSYSU is slightly low, with perception of ¡§service capacity strategy¡¨ being the highest among students, but the perception experience with ¡§service enthusiasm strategy¡¨ is lowest. 4. The senior students have better awareness of school external marketing strategies. 5. The senior students and girl students have better awareness of school interviewing marketing strategies . According the results as stated above, the researcher advances the suggestions for ¡§National Sun Yat-Sen University¡¨, and ¡§Related Research in the Future¡¨, hoping that they can be of referential value as far as related research and practice are concerned.

葉家儀. / 手抄本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Shou chao ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-233). / Ye Jiayi. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue.

The intellectual and political roots of present-day China lie in the late imperial era and the transition to modern statehood. As the last chain of the thousands years of dynastic rule in China, the Qing Dynasty ended in 1911 with a revolution. Even though the Republican regime was immediately established after their revolution, it took three decades until thenew government (People&rsquo / s Republic of China) achieved full sovereignty on the territory. The thesis argues that the 1911 Revolution is a major turning point in Chinese transformation not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift towards modern statehood. In this study, first, the social forces and actors on the eve of the Revolution are analyzed. The gentry-domination of society and the power relations within the forces involved in the Revolution - especially the intellectuals and the military - appear to be the two major reasons why the transition was not completed with the Revolution. The second focus of the study: the process of breaking with the past. In other words, how was the shift in people&rsquo / s mind achieved? In China, this turning point did not coincide with the 1911 Revolution and/or regime change. It came later in 1910s, reaching its peak in 1919, with the New Culture Movement of the May Fourth intellectuals. There had been some influential intellectuals building a nationalist discourse even before the May Fourth Movement (e.g. Liang Qichao, reformist and ideologue in late Qing dynasty) but the radical and outspoken tone of the New Culture Movement achieved the grounds for a shift in minds. I will briefly analyze the intellectual work of the period and its politicization. A special emphasis is given on Sun Yat-sen&rsquo / s political and intellectual contribution to the transition since he was not only a major political activist but also a theoretician whose works (Three Principles of People) have been influential on China&rsquo / s nation-building process.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第20698号 / 工博第4395号 / 新制||工||1683(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院工学研究科建築学専攻 / (主査)教授 竹山 聖, 教授 山岸 常人, 准教授 田路 貴浩, 教授 三浦 研 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Engineering) / Kyoto University / DFAM

本篇之研究目的有兩個層次：首先是探討三民主義之人類進化論與人性論。其次是研究三民主義之人類進化論與人性論的關聯。以見三民主義的人類進化論，是以其人性論為基礎。 　　本研究認為，三民主義的人性論肯定人性為：「人皆有之的自覺認識、自覺實踐能力。但各人所稟程度不同。此一能力是本之生元，源之於生物進化。並使人異於萬物，優於萬物。」 　　三民主義的人類進化論則是：「主張人類及其所創造物逐漸滿足人類互助圖存的目的之變化過程的理論。」 　　由人性論與人類進化論的關聯可知，三民主義的人類進化論在其人性論的主導貫串下，成為「人本的人類進化論」。即人類進化乃是人性自然發抒、自我完善的外顯現象。人類進化乃是發於人性，亦為人性所成就。是以人類進化的意義，在於其符合人性。人類進化的一切製作，皆必須有助人性發展。 　　此外，本研究認為三民主義欲在實際作用中豁顯其正面意義，必須先由學術上加以揚棄、重建，方可修整出可資運用、認知的體系。因此，傳承前賢的研究，將三民主義更加學術化、理論化，應具有為人類未來找尋出路的意義。這是本研究的未來展望所在。

當前國內對於憲政發展的研究，似乎較偏重於行憲後憲法與憲政之演變的探討。對於行憲前，尤其是訓政時期這一階段對立憲所做的努力和嚐試，比較欠缺完整而又客觀的論述。而且一般研究偏向於歷史性敘述為主。這種歷史的研究途徑，對於訓政時期的立憲背景，當時的政治環境、政治文化及來自於不同政治勢力抗爭下所產生的壓力及挑戰，較無法做深入完整的分析。本研究係參考亞蒙(G.A.Almond)的比較政治之功能研究法，并輔以浦薛鳳先生「認識政治因素」之觀點，從政治發展角度，對訓政時期之憲政準備歷程作較完整且具體的研析。兼採歷史法，分析法，比較法及歸納法以進行研究。期望能更深入瞭解中山先生「革命建國三程序」論的精義；並探究訓政時期政黨、議會、大眾傳播媒體、學校、黨政運作等在立憲準備過程中所扮演的角色，彰顯出訓政時期在我國革命建國及實施民主憲政中的重要性。 本文共分八章，約三十萬字。第一章緒論，分三節說明本文之研究動機、研究目的及研究方法與研究架構。 第二章說明軍政、訓政時期憲政準備之基礎，共四節分別說明西方民主憲政理論基礎的發展及西方國家行憲政府的主要型態及我國採行訓政時期的意義。其中所面臨的政治，社會、經濟等結構上劇烈的變動，各種不同政治勢力的衝突，以及體系的調適、結構的整合，衝突的化解等難題，都必須加以解決。而中山先生訓政的主張即是一種直接而有計劃的政治教育、指導和訓練，以培育人民的政治能力，牌其能直接參與政治，奠定民主憲政的基礎，尤其訓政在政治發展上，顯示了穩定政治體系，指導政治變遷導向的重要功能。在本章同時也說明了我國立憲的背景與以中山先生思想為主軸的憲政主義的發展。 第三章則在於探討訓政時期的民主憲政學習之基礎，亦分成四節，從政治社會化與政治學習的角度，探討訓政時期政府所推行的三民主義教育及地方自治對於民主憲政基礎之建立的功能；並從學校教育、社會教育及當時所推行的各種社會運動，深入瞭解這些基礎的工作，對於憲政準備所作的貢獻。 第四章為訓政時期議會政治與憲政準備工作。分為四節，這一章之重點主要在於從議會政治的發展—即從早期民初之國會、國民會議、國民參政會以至於政治協商會議及最重要之制憲國民大會等之沿革，說明議會在我國立憲準備歷程當中，所發揮的利益匯集、表達，政治溝通、人才甄補及政策產出等之功能。 第五章訓政時期政治溝通與憲政準備工作。在本章主要在於說明西方政黨政治的理論及中山先生政黨政治觀念的演變。其次，則論及訓政時期主要之政黨、政綱及主張，再則論及訓政時期政黨政治由黨治確立至黨爭趨緩以至於黨派合作，終至憲法制定階段之發展歷程，並分別論述各黨派對憲法制定所持之主張，以其中之爭議，並從政治溝通之角度說明政黨政治在憲政準備歷程當中所發揮之功能。 第六章則論及大眾傳播媒體與憲政意見的整合。第一節從中國國民黨的新聞政策及對媒體的管制，及在野媒體的回應說明。第二節則論述抗戰前媒體對於當時訓政體制及憲法草案的批評與論爭；第三節之重點在於抗戰期間對於能否實行民主憲政的論戰，並對國民參政會、憲政期成會的憲草修正案及憲政實施協進會所提出的三十二項意見，在憲政準備歷程中的項獻提出說明。第四節探討抗戰後政治協商會議的召開及傳播媒體對於憲政議題的傾向，及其對制憲國民大會的影響。 第七章是在探討訓政時期的黨政關係與憲政準備工作。共分五節，分別論述國民政府初創時期的黨政結構與黨政關係，及訓政時期黨政運作關係與立憲過程之間的互動關係，以期瞭解訓政時期「以黨治國、以黨訓政」的特殊黨政關係型態，對於憲政準備工作之功能及影響。並及這種型態對於政治穩定所發揮的功能。 第八章為結論。就本研究之結果，提出訓政在我國建國程序中之經驗模式，及本文研究之心得。

There is no abstract available for this thesis.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

本論文對民生史觀與唯物史觀作對比研究，以期全盤重建這兩種史觀。透過對比研究法的運用、周邊還原（政治還原與系絡還原）的程序、詮釋學方法，本論文構築一個共同的時空對比架構（歷史進化論、社會發展論、人本主義）、彰顯民生史觀與唯物史觀的結構對比及兩種史觀之間的動態對比，提出新的理解與批評，並進而以這兩種史觀為領會對比韻律的理論工具，為對比哲學奉獻心力。 第二章探討民生史觀與唯物史觀的歷史進化論。孫中山為宇宙進化畫分明確的階段，有強烈的目的論傾向，馬克思則反對用目的論解釋宇宙進化。他們都認為生物進化與社會進化有明顯的區別。孫中山的歷史分期論，包括自然進化與歷史進化之分、三民進化論與民權進化論、知行進化論。馬克思第一階段的歷史分期論基於歐洲中心主義，將歐洲的歷史分期分成原始、古代、封建、近代資產生產方式等階段，後來注意到非歐世界的歷史進化及資本主義之前的經濟形構。孫中山與馬克思的歷史路線論分別是中心線東西對照論與中心線擴散論。前者出於中國中心主義，後者則基於歐洲中心主義。 第三章討論民生史觀的社會發展論。首先歸納出國內論者詮釋民生史觀的五條公式。繼而重建民生史觀的理論體系，以人民的生活為總綱，以社會的生存與國民的生計為途徑，以群眾的生命為最終目的。 第四章討論唯物史觀的社會發展論。首先羅列以往中西論者所詮釋的唯物史觀，如經濟決定論、技術決定論、多重決定論、功能解釋、有機論、公式套用論，並指出其優缺點。繼而建構馬克思唯物史觀的四種概念圖式：中心輻輳模式、中心三角模式、基礎－上層建築模式、中心直線模式。最後建構一個共同的對比模式。 第五章討論民生史觀與唯物史觀的人本主義。首先探討孫中山與馬克思的人性概念（人的定義與人的需要），對比其看法的異同。孫中山對人與自然、社會、歷史的看法的特徵是以主領客，馬克思則強調人與自然、社會、歷史的關係是辯證式的，顯露主客合一的思維。 第六章結論。第一節綜述各章研究成果。第二節略論本論文的缺點與局限，並以本文的對比架構（歷史進化論、社會發展論、人本主義）為準，展望未來的研究方向（時間分殊化、空間區隔化、生活相對化）。 / Using the methodology of Dr. Vincent Shen's philosophy of contrast, this dissertation studies Dr. Yat-Sen Sun's and karl Marx's theories fo historical evolution, social development, as well as humanism. An abstract framework is constructed and the method of hermeneutics is used to demonstrate the dynamic contrasts between Dr. Yat-Sen Sun's and Marx's views pertaining to the evolution and development of humans' history, society as well as their assumptions of philosophical anthropology, together with the structural contrast of their theories. In terms of historical evolution, the author finds out that, while Dr. Sun's view of history reveals the tendency of teleology, makes a sharp division between natural and humans' evolution, and conceptualizes humans' history from Chinese standpoint, Marx's early conception of history divides European history into a number of stages and part of this later attention is paid to non-European societies. With regard to social development, the author generalizes scholars' explanations about Dr. Sun's social theory and reconstruct his theory of social development. The author also epitomizes scholars' interpretation of Marx's materialist conception of history and reconstructs four conceptual schemas of his theory of social development. As for Dr. Sun's and Marx's humanism, the author concludes that, while Dr. Sun's humanism emphasizes the leading role of the subject, i.e., the human beings, over the objective structures, that is, the nature, the society, and the history, Marx's humanism underscores the dialectic relationships between the subject and the object structures. Finally, not only the above-mentioned argument is summarized, but the future of developing a more complete framework for the construction of the philosophy of contrast if discussed.

La tesi si concentra sul Partito Nazionalista Cinese negli anni Venti come punto privilegiato di osservazione del cambiamento politico della Cina dopo la Prima guerra mondiale. Questo decennio rappresentò un momento di definizione identitaria sia per i comunisti sia per i nazionalisti. La storiografia ne ha sottolineato numerosi aspetti, ma si è finora occupata del periodo 1919-1928 come una preistoria degli anni Trenta piuttosto che come un autonomo segmento di storia cinese. Studi recenti hanno superato implicitamente questo approccio criticando due date periodizzanti fondamentali per il Novecento cinese: la nascita della Repubblica nazionalista (1911) e la nascita della Repubblica Popolare (1949). A metà tra queste due date, gli anni Venti sono emersi come snodo decisivo nel passaggio da impero a Stato nazionale, durante cui si definì un nuovo spazio di discussione politica. Questo processo, pur interno, subì l’influsso delle strategie internazionali di sovietici e statunitensi dando vita a una nuova visione non soltanto della rivoluzione ma anche dello Stato post-rivoluzionario. Le classi dirigenti nazionalista e comunista, durante la collaborazione, si rivelarono dinamiche e tale “competizione” si trasferì anche all’interno di ciascun movimento diventando un fattore determinante per il successo o il fallimento del partito inteso come moderna formazione politica. / The thesis focuses on the Chinese Nationalist Party in the 1920s as a special standpoint to analyze the political changes in China after the World War I. That decade was crucial for shaping the identity of nationalists and communists. Many works have already examined some aspects, but they mostly considered the years 1919-1928 as a pre-history of the Thirties rather than an autonomous part of Chinese history. Recent studies have overcome this approach by criticizing two of the main periodization in the Chinese twentieth century: the birth of the nationalist Republic (1911) and the birth of the People’s Republic (1949). Halfway, the 1920s stood out as a critical juncture in the transition from empire to nation-state. A new space of political discussion was defined. The process, albeit internal, was under the influence of the USSR and US international strategies and gave birth not only to a new vision of the revolution, but also to a vision of the post-revolutionary state. Also, the nationalist and communist leaderships turned out to be dynamic. That "competition" may be seen also within the two political movements and became a shaping factor for the success or failure of the party as a modern political formation.