The death penalty has been an issue of debate for decades and it is of great relevance at present. Different reasons have emerged that make recourse to the death penalty appear necessary, such as, that it serves as a deterrent, it meets the need for retribution and that public opinion demands its imposition. Conversely, more convincing arguments have been raised for its abolition, amongst which is the argument that it is a violation of human rights. Africa is seen as one of the “death penalty regions” in the world, as most African states still retain the death penalty despite the growing international human rights standards and trends towards its abolition. Further, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights makes no mention of the death penalty. The death penalty in Africa is therefore an issue that one has to be particularly concerned about. During the 36th Ordinary Session (2004) of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, for the first time, the death penalty was one of the issues discussed by the Commission. Commissioner Chirwa initiated debate about the abolition of the death penalty in Africa, urging the Commission to take a clear position on the subject. In view of this and the international human rights developments and trends on the death penalty, discourses on the abolition of the death penalty in Africa are much needed. Accordingly, this study examines the death penalty in Africa from a human rights perspective. It seeks to determine why African states retain the death penalty, the ways in which the current operation of the death penalty in African states conflicts with human rights, what causes obstructions to its abolition in Africa, and whether it is appropriate for African states to join the international trend for the abolition of the death penalty. The current status and operation of the death penalty in Africa is first examined. The historical background to the death penalty in Africa from a traditional and western perspective is also discussed. Subsequently, the main arguments advanced by Africans (including African leaders, writers, priests and government officials) for the retention of the death penalty in Africa are evaluated. The study goes further to examine the death penalty in African states in the light of the right to life, the prohibition of cruel inhuman and degrading treatment and fair trial rights at both the international and national levels. After examining the death penalty in African states, the study arrives at the conclusion that it is appropriate for African states to join the international trend for the abolition of the death penalty, considering that the death penalty in Africa conflicts with human rights, the justifications for its retention are fundamentally flawed, and that alternatives to the death penalty in Africa exist. A number of recommendations are then made, which are geared towards the abolition of the death penalty in Africa. / Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

L'oeuvre de Gustave Oelsner-Monmerqué que notre thèse permet de découvrir offre une vision double, française et allemande, sur la société coloniale à Bourbon au début des années1840. Après une reconstitution détaillée de la biographie d'Oelsner-Monmerqué, l'étude met l'accent sur son pragmatisme abolitionniste dans l'exercice de ses fonctions de rédacteur en chef de la Feuille hebdomadaire de l'île Bourbon et de professeur de philosophie et de proviseur du Collège royal de Bourbon. En Allemagne, il poursuit son militantisme abolitionniste activement par voie littéraire à travers un roman, des articles de presse, des communications et une conférence. En publiant Schwarze und Weiße. Skizzen aus Bourbon (Noirs et Blancs. Esquisses de Bourbon) dans un pays qui ne possède pas d'esclaves, l'écrivain tente de contribuer à une émancipation plus rapide et complète. Son éclairage sur les conditions de la traite clandestine et sur la vie des esclaves dans la société bourbonnaise se distingue par son réalisme qui doit son expressivité au genre littéraire novateur de l'esquisse. Au-delà des frontières, cet ouvrage peut être considéré comme le premier roman abolitionniste bourbonnais. / Gustave Oelsner-Monmerqué's work unearthed by us and presented in our doctoral thesis offers a double – French and German – vision of colonial society in Bourbon (now Reunion) Island in the early 1840s. This study begins with a detailed reconstitution of Oelsner-Monmerqué's life, then focuses on his abolitionist stance and actions as editor of the Feuille hebdomadaire de l'Ile Bourbon [Bourbon Island Weekly] and philosophy teacher at and principal of the Collège royal de Bourbon high school. Oelsner-Monmerqué pursued his abolitionist activism in Germany through literary channels: a novel, press articles andconferences. By publishing Schwarze und Weiße. Skizzen aus Bourbon [Blacks and Whites. Sketches of Bourbon] in a country which had no slaves, the author meant to contribute to their quicker and more complete emancipation. His descriptions of illegal slave trade and slave life in Bourbon Island's society have a realistic, expressive touch made possible by the use of an innovative literary genre, the sketch. A cross-boundary testimony, this work can be regardedas Bourbon Island's first abolitionist novel.

No description available.

イギリスにおけるアボリショニズム(奴隷貿易・奴隷制廃止運動)は、1780年代に開始された。その中心的組織は、ロンドン奴隷貿易廃止委員会であった。この組織の中核にいたのは、クウェイカー教徒と英国国教会福音主義派である。彼らは、大衆的な議会請願運動を主導し、それをバックに奴隷貿易廃止法成立に取り組んだ。この法律は、1807年に成立した。その後1823年に、反奴隷制協会が結成され、さらに広範な大衆運動が繰り広げられ、1833年に奴隷制は廃止された。しかし、これで奴隷が完全に解放されたわけではなかった。彼らは年季奉公人として、元の奴隷主の下で週45時間働かなければならなかった。年季奉公人制が廃止されたのは1838年である。 / The abolitionists' movement in Britain began in 1780s. The Quakers and the Anglican evangelicals spearheaded the movement whose organization was the London Abolition Committee. They collected several hundred thousand signatures of people against the slave trade. The abolition of the British slave trade was effected on 1807. The anti-slavery associstion was formed in 1823. Ten years later slavery was abolished in the British colonies. But the slaves were not emancipated completely, because they, as an apprentice, were obligated to work 45 hours per week under their former masters.The apprenticeship was abolished in 1838. / 博士(経済学) / Doctor of Economics / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

Text in Afrikaans / Die penologiese perspektief rakende die ontwikkeling/ doel en funksionering van leke-assessore is die onderwerp van hierdie verhandeling. Leke-deelname in die regsplegingstelsel kan terug­ gevoer word na 1657. Deur die latere oorname van Engelse regsbeginsels1 word die juriestelsel in die Suid-Afrikaanse reg geinkorporeer. Na die afskaffing van die juriestelsel in 1969 berus die beantwoording van sowel feite- as regsvrae slegs by die voorsittende beampte. Hierdie situasie is as onaan­ vaarbaar beskou en grater leke-deelname word bepleit. Dit is egter eers in 1991 dat die aanwending van leke-assessore in die Suid-Afrikaanse regstelsel 'n realiteit word. Een van die voorvereistes vir die aanstel van assessore is dat die aanstelling dienstig vir die regspleging moet wees. Die vraag waarmee penoloe en juriste worstel, is of die aanwending van assessore tans wel bevorderlik vir gesonde regspleging is. Uit empiriese navorsing het dit geblyk nie die geval te wees nie. Derhalwe word 'n opleidingsprogram vir assessore voorgestel / The subject of perspective on tioning of lay justice. this dissertation is a penological the development/ purpose and tunc­ assessors in the administration of The use of lay assessors can be traced back as far as 1657. As a result of the adoption of the British law principles/ the jury system was incorporated in South African law. After the abolition of the jury in 1969/ the answering of factual and judicial questions resides in the presiding officer. This situation was unacceptable and lay participation was advocated. The use of lay assessors became a reality in 1991. The prerequisite for the appointment of an assessor is that it should be expedient for the administration of justice. But are the use of lay assessors beneficial at this stage? From the empirical research it is evident that it is not beneficial at all and therefore the researcher recommends a training programme for lay assessors. / Penology / M.A. (Penologie)

Cette thèse porte sur les mutations sémantiques qu'a subies le mot "personne" depuis la codification de Bonaparte jusqu'à la Première guerre mondiale. Elle montre que le mot conservait ses emplois et sens traditionnels dans le langage des juges et des praticiens, qu'exemplifient bien des sources jurisprudentielles en matières diverses, et la littérature sur l'abolition de l'esclavage et sur l'adage "le mort saisit le vif". Elle montre également que le mot n'a été associé aux idées d'homme et de sujet de droit qu'à partir de la lecture néologique de fragments romains proposée par Savigny, et que ce changement sémantique s'installait après 1870 à travers les écrits doctrinaux.

The dissertation argues that the development of the British abolition movement was based on the abolitionists' perception that their actions were kairotic; they attempted to shape their own kairos by taking temporal events and reinterpreting them to construct a kairotic process that led to a perceived fulfillment: abolition. Thus, the dissertation examines the rhetorical strategies used by white abolitionists to construct an abolitionist kairos that was designed to produce salvation for white Britons more than it was to help free blacks. The dissertation especially examines the three major texts produced by black persons living in England during the late eighteenth centuryIgnatius Sancho's Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho (1782), Ottobauh Cugoano's Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery (1787), and Olaudah Equiano's The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African (1789)to illustrate how black rhetoric was appropriated by whites to fulfill their own kairotic desires. By examining the rhetorical strategies employed in both white and black rhetorics, the dissertation illustrates how the abolitionists thought the movement was shaped by, and how they were shaping the movement through, kairotic time. While the dissertation contends that the abolition movement was rhetorically designed to provide redemption, and thus salvation, it illustrates that the abolitionist's intent was not merely to save the slave, but to redeem blacks first in the eyes of white Christians by opening blacks to an understanding and acceptance of God. Perhaps more importantly, abolitionists would use black salvation to buy back their own souls and the soul of their nation in the eyes of God in order to regain their own salvation lost in the slave trade. But ironically, they had to appear to be saving others to save themselves. So white abolitionists used the black narratives to persuade their overwhelmingly white audience that slavery was as bad for them as it was for the African slave. And in the process, a corpus of black writing was produced that gives current readers two glimpses of one world.

Considerada como um dos maiores marcos da história norte-americana, a Guerra Civil (1861- 1865) marcou as transformações das relações sociais, trabalhistas e raciais nos Estados Unidos e circunscreve-se no âmbito das mudanças do século XIX, especialmente nos eventos que concorreram para o fim do tráfico de escravos africanos e da abolição do cativeiro nas Américas. As questões da guerra ultrapassaram as fronteiras norte-americanas e influenciaram as mudanças nas formas de trabalho responsáveis pela economia no Brasil. Através de fontes parlamentares, diplomáticas e da imprensa, entre outras, investigamos entre 1861, ano que se inicia o conflito americano, e 1888, data que marca oficialmente o fim da escravidão no Brasil, como as informações sobre a Guerra Civil e seus desdobramentos influenciaram os debates políticos sobre o destino da escravidão. Por meio de uma perspectiva transnacional e articulando o debate sobre o processo de emancipação nas Américas, este trabalho procura enfatizar as ideias de abolicionistas e políticos, seus pensamentos sobre as mudanças do trabalho servil para o livre, o destino da população escravizada, as questões raciais e a produção econômica no Brasil. Consequentemente, este estudo tem como objetivo compreender como a Guerra Civil americana foi interpretada no Brasil e como isso influenciou os discursos políticos, projetos de emancipação, bem como os escritos de abolicionistas entre as décadas de 1860 e 1880. / Considered one of the biggest moments in the history of North America, the Civil War (1861- 1865) marked transformations in social, worker and race relations in the United States given the broader changes in the nineteenth century, especially related to the end of the African slave trade and the abolition of captives in the Americas. The war passed North-American boundaries and influenced changes in the forms of laborin the Brazilian economy. Through parliamentary, diplomatic and journalistic sources, among others, this thesis investigates how the information about the Civil War and its repercussions influenced political debates on the destiny of slavery between 1861, the year that the American conflict began, and 1888, the date that marks the official end of slavery in Brazil. Through a transnational perspective and articulating with the debates on the emancipation process in the Americas, this work aims to emphasis the ideas of abolitionists and politicians, their thoughts on the changes from servile to free labor, the destiny of the enslaved population, racial questions and economic production in Brazil. Consequently, this study has the objective of understanding how the American Civil War was interpreted in Brazil and how it influenced political discourses, emancipatory projects, as well as the writings of abolitionists between 1860 and 1880.

No presente trabalho, analisaremos as ideias jurídicas de José de Alencar (1829-1877), procurando demonstrar que este não foi somente um dos mais proeminentes vultos das letras pátrias e um dos mais destacados publicistas, políticos e oradores do Brasil de seu tempo, mas também um importante jurista. Embora o jurisconsulto José de Alencar seja inegavelmente menor do que o literato e mesmo que o homem de Estado, não deixa ele de ter sua relevância, merecendo, pois, ser mais conhecido e reconhecido do que tem sido. Em nossa exposição de suas ideias em diversos campos do Direito, nos concentramos mais naquelas que reputamos mais importantes social, política e historicamente, particularmente naquelas referentes à relação entre a Lei Natural e a Lei Positiva, à Constituição Imperial, ao Poder Moderador, à representação política, à abolição da escravatura, à codificação civil e à propriedade. / In this work we will analyse the juridical ideas of José de Alencar (1829-1877), seeking to demonstrate that he was not only one of the most prominent figures of the Brazilian literature and one of the most distinguished journalists, political writers, politicians and orators of the Brazil of his time but also an important jurist. Although the jurisconsult José de Alencar is unquestionably smaller in importance than the writer and even the man of State he does not lack relevance, thus deserving to be more known and recognised. In our exposition of his ideas in different fields of law we will concentrate more on those that we consider more important socially, politically and historically, particularly on the ones which refer to the relation between Natural Law and Positive Law, the Imperial Constitution, the Moderator Power, the political representation, the abolition of slavery, the civil codification and the property.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Maia Bezerra Neto.pdf: 33896770 bytes, checksum: c5af6578d1daedfc08a928469dcb3e2b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Between the decades of 1850 and 1880, in the province of Pará, Empire of Brazil, several antislavery and emancipationist societies were founded. At that time, antislavery societies proclaimed themselves against slavery, not necessarily encompassing an abolitionist or emancipationist thought. Emancipationist societies were characterized by the proposition of a gradual emancipation of slavery, and the recognition of slave owners property rights. From the 1880s onwards, however, several abolitionists groups were founded, which proposed an immediate abolition of slave work, even objecting any property right over the slaves. That does not mean that emancipationist and abolitionist were clearly distinct. On the contrary, this dissertation explores the connections between both trends, even if they represented different solutions for the so called Questão Servil . This dissertation considers both emancipationist and abolitionist societies as a place of political struggle, including different viewpoints and conflicts within these two perspectives, as well as those shared by different groups of free men and slaves. This was because the limit of the abolition of the slavery in Brazil was gradualism, which blurred the distinctions between emancipationists and abolitionist. Moreover, the strength of gradualism as part of a conservative mentality was not restricted to the elites. Therefore, even if on 13 May 1888 slavery was unconditionally abolished and without any financial compensation, abolitionism did not prevail as a wide social reforms program / Durante as décadas de 1850 a 1880, na província do Pará, Império do Brasil, existiram sociedades antiescravistas e emancipadoras. As primeiras em oposição à escravidão, sem necessariamente adotar uma postura emancipacionista ou abolicionista; as últimas com práticas e propostas de emancipação gradual da escravidão, caracterizadas pelo respeito ao direito de propriedade dos senhores. Na década de 1880, para além das sociedades emancipadoras, já aparecem algumas sociedades autodenominadas abolicionistas cujas práticas e propostas visavam abolir de imediato o trabalho escravo questionando o direito de propriedade senhorial. O que não quer dizer que as práticas emancipadoras e abolicionistas fossem feito água e óleo, pelo contrário. Nesta tese demonstramos os seus imbricamentos, ainda que encaminhamentos distintos da chamada Questão Servil. Nesta tese, a partir do estudo das práticas e propostas das diversas sociedades emancipadoras e abolicionistas percebo o emancipacionismo e abolicionismo como espaços de luta, compreendendo as diversas posições em disputa no interior desses movimentos, inclusive aquelas compartilhadas por diversos segmentos livres e escravos. E que, apesar das diferenças, o gradualismo foi o limite da abolição da escravidão no Brasil, o que muitas vezes torna confuso a distinção entre emancipadores e abolicionistas, da mesma forma que a força do gradualismo como parte de uma mentalidade conservadora não necessariamente se limitava ao universo das elites. Daí, mesmo quando em 13 de Maio de 1888 fora abolida a escravidão sem condições e nem indenização aos senhores, sendo extinto o regime jurídico da escravidão, não se consumou o abolicionismo como um amplo programa de reformas sociais