Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:43:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Diego Sgarbossa Adur.pdf: 1737210 bytes, checksum: 262e840c8eb1a7aea9f463c6b1d5b291 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-25 / This research has as its object of study the Social Representations of the members of the Municipal Council for the Rights of the Child and Adolescent Ponta Grossa-PR (CMDCA-PG) about the teenager who commits acts of violence. This is a survey of qualitative nature in that the following methodological procedures were used: bibliographic research, documentary research, questionnaire with open and closed questions and semi structured interview using the technique of free association of ideas (BAUER; GASKELL, 2002, SPINK, 1999). The data were analyzed based on the Theory of Social Representations of Moscovici (1978) and interpreted based on the Methodology of Depth Hermeneutics (Thompson, 1995). The research was restricted to the CMDCA-PG and the subjects of this research were members of this board who spontaneously expressed interest in participating in the study. From sixteen members, nine have offered to participate. The data analysis originated five categories: Public Policies; Violation of Rights; Punishment; Family; and Teenager that Commits Acts of Violence. The results showed that the Social Representation of members of CMDCA-PG about the teenager who commits acts of violence brings some evidences that bring back the initial stages of the preparation of policies and laws aimed at this population. Traits such as lack of social belonging, fragile emotional bonds, vulnerable family structure, lack of public policies, drugs and lack of life project, also were evidenced in identifying of teenager who commits acts of violence by the counselors. / A presente pesquisa teve como objeto de estudo as Representações Sociais dos membros do Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente de Ponta Grossa-PR (CMDCA-PG) sobre o adolescente que comete atos de violência. Trata se de uma pesquisa de cunho qualitativo em que foram utilizados os seguintes procedimentos metodológicos: pesquisa bibliográfica, pesquisa documental, questionário com questões abertas e fechadas e entrevista semi estruturada utilizando-se da técnica de Associação Livre de Ideias (BAUER; GASKELL, 2002, SPINK, 1999). Os dados obtidos foram analisados com base na Teoria das Representações Sociais de Moscovici (1978) e interpretados com base na metodologia da Hermenêutica de Profundidade (THOMPSON, 1995). O universo da pesquisa restringiu-se ao CMDCA-PG e os sujeitos da pesquisa foram os membros deste conselho que espontaneamente demonstraram interesse em participar do estudo. De dezesseis membros, nove disponibilizaram-se a participar. A análise dos dados originou cinco categorias: Políticas Públicas; Violação de Direitos; Punição; Família; e Adolescente que Comete Atos de Violência. Os resultados demonstraram que a Representação Social dos membros do CMDCA-PG sobre o adolescente que comete atos de violência traz alguns indícios que remontam as fases iniciais da elaboração das politicas e leis voltadas a esta população. Traços como falta de pertencimento social, vínculos afetivos frágeis, configuração familiar vulnerável, falta de políticas públicas, drogas e falta de projeto de vida, também se evidenciaram na identificação do adolescente que comete atos de violência pelos conselheiros.

Įtakos smurtui prieš vaikus turi tėvų gyvenimo istorija, asmenybės tipas, socialinė ir kultūrinė tėvų gyvenimo aplinka. Tiriant smurtą prieš vaikus išskiriamos trys jo formos: emocinis, seksualinis ir fizinis. Siekiant didesnio tikslumo ir aiškumo, įvardijamos ir kitokios smurto rūšys. Tai egzistencinis smurtas, religinis arba kulto smurtas, su lytėjimu susijęs smurtas. / The family is a place where are ensure emotional and physical security of children. International relations and laws guarantees the right to life in the family. But lately parents or others members of family commits acts of violence against children. Children felt violence every day. The violence was sudden and unexpectd. Parents, friends or classmates many of cases commit acts of violence against children. Children felt the violence psysical and psychological, insults, humiliations, discrimination and neglect. Consequences of violence are importants and dramatic. / La famille est le cadre le plus apte a proteger l'enfant et a assurer sa securite physique et emotionnelle. Ces dernieres annees on pu documenter la violence commise par des parents ou d'autres members de la famille sur des enfants. Les enfants rappellent qu'ils sont aussi blesses par la repetition frequente, quotidienne de petits actes de violence. La violence soit soudaine et inattendue, la plupart des auteurs des gestes violents contre les enfants sont des gens qu'ils connaissent et auxquels ils devraient pouvoir la confiance: parents, petit ami, camarades de classe. La violence contre les enfants inclue la violence physique ou psychologique comme les insults et humiliations, la discrimination, l'abandon ou la maltraitance.

In den letzten Jahren ist nicht nur in der Forschung, sondern auch in der breiten Öffentlichkeit die akute Problematik der männlichen Identitätsfindung beziehungsweise Identitätskonstruktion unübersehbar geworden. Medial schlug sich dies allein im Januar und Februar 2008 in entsprechenden Leitartikeln sowohl im SPIEGEL als auch in der ZEIT nieder und lebensweltlich nimmt die Anzahl der von männlichen Jugendlichen ausgehenden Gewalttaten unvermindert zu. Ein Verweis auf die durch die Medien gegangenen U-Bahn-Attacken (München) mag hier genauso genügen wie die Erinnerung an die gewalttätigen Zwischenfälle an der Columbine High School, der Virginia Tech University, der Northern Illinois University (DeKalb), der Berliner Rütli Schule, dem Erfurter Gutenberg Gymnasium oder der Jokela Schule in Tuusula, Finnland.

Die Motive von Gewalthandlungen unterscheiden sich erheblich voneinander. Verschiedene wissenschaftliche Fachrichtungen beschäftigen sich intensiv mit der Differenzierung von Dissozialität, Gewalt und Aggression. Vor allem in der Neurobiologie, der Psychologie und Psychiatrie (dort insbesondere in psychoanalytischen Konzepten), in der Untersuchung von Lebensverläufen und in der Kriminologie werden häufig zwei Handlungsmotive unterschieden: ein affektives Motiv und ein instrumentelles Motiv. Wenngleich viele verschiedene Begrifflichkeiten verwendet werden und fachrichtungsspezifisch jeweils andere Aspekte der Phänomene im Fokus der Betrachtung stehen, werden doch in vielen Publikationen ähnliche Sachverhalte beschrieben. Legt man die Ergebnisse der unterschiedlichen Studien übereinander, ergibt sich ein recht scharf umrissenes instrumentelles Motiv und ein weniger deutliches affektives Motiv. In dieser Arbeit wird deshalb eine weitere Unterteilung des affektiven Motivs in ein reaktives und ein intrinsisches vorgeschlagen, die in einem dimensionalen Bezug zueinander stehen. Diese Dreiteilung ließ sich in einer quantitativen Untersuchung abbilden. Die differenzierende Beschreibung eines reaktiven, intrinsischen und instrumentellen Motivs als Ergebnis vielfältiger Verknüpfung, hat eine hohe Relevanz für die pädagogische Praxis. Fast alle Programme sind für reaktiv motivierte Täter entwickelt und berücksichtigen die Spezifika der anderen Motivlagen kaum oder gar nicht. Die vorliegende Arbeit schließt deshalb mit einer Empfehlung für die Praxis, die den Weg zu passgenauen, für spezifische Motivlagen geeignete Programme ebnen könnte, so dass eine indikative Auswahl auf der Basis einer pädagogischen Diagnostik möglich würde. / The motives regarding the acts of violence differ considerably. Various scientific fields closely examine the differentiation of dissociality, violence and aggression. Particularly in neurobiology, psychology and psychiatry (especially within psychoanalytical concepts), in the examination of life courses, and criminology two motives are frequently distinguished: an affective and an instrumental motive. Even though many different terms are used and, depending on the field, other aspects of the phenomena are focused on, scientific publications describe similar circumstances. The comparison of the findings of the different studies results in a well-defined instrumental and a less distinct affective motive. Therefore, this paper suggests a further differentiation of the affective motive into a reactive and an intrinsic one, with a dimensional connection to each other. This tripartition is shown in a quantitative study. The differentiated description of a reactive, intrinsic and instrumental motive as a result of multiple conjunctions is highly relevant for the pedagogical practice. Almost all programs are designed for reactive motivated offenders and hardly consider the specifics of other motives if they consider them at all. Therefore, this paper concludes with a recommendation for the practice, which could initiate the start of adequate programs related to the specific motives and facilitate an indicative selection based on pedagogical diagnostic.

L’objet de la recherche consiste à mettre en évidence que la prise en compte des violences émeutières requiert une évolution de l’environnement juridique et des méthodes de maintien de la paix publique hérités de notre histoire. Notre dispositif de gestion de l’ordre public est particulièrement adapté au modèle français de manifestation. C’est considérable et exemplaire à beaucoup d’égards mais cela ne peut clore le débat sur les formes de la réaction sociale nécessaires pour répondre aux différentes formes du répertoire de la protestation en particulier à la dynamique complexe des désordres émeutiers.Alors que la manifestation, son encadrement par les forces de sécurité intérieure et son environnement juridique ressortissent à la culture de l’organisation et de l’ordre, les violences émeutières relèvent, quant à elles, de comportements colériques naturels. Elles constituent un objet et un enjeu différents que traduisent notamment la récurrence des crises en milieu urbain et la difficulté d’y faire face de façon satisfaisante.Sur le plan opérationnel comme sur le plan juridique, l’éventail de la réponse aux désordres est particulièrement large, mais il traduit également un double embarras :• Les violences émeutières sont le plus souvent des violences d’expression. Qu’ils en soient conscients ou non, face à ces comportements, le juge et le politique se sont montrés fréquemment indulgents dans un contexte juridique où la liberté d’expression est un droit fondamental et la manifestation une conquête sans équivalent dans notre pays. Les réponses sociale et judiciaire se caractérisent donc par une mansuétude parfois légitime, parfois inadaptée mais souvent mal comprise.• Les modes d’action policiers et les outils du Droit façonnés par l’environnement juridique et la culture de la manifestation, peuvent se révéler inadaptés pour répondre aux émeutes urbaines et conduire à des évolutions aussi variées qu’inappropriées comme la banalisation du recours à des régimes juridiques d’exception et la sédimentation d’une culture d’affrontement entre police et population.Le concept retentissement / identification et l’analyse des colères rebelles et insoumises ouvrent la voie à une adaptation du droit et de la réponse sociale conciliant le respect des droits fondamentaux et le maintien de la paix publique dans l’espace urbain. Tel est l’enjeu de la dialectique « Libertés - Droit - désordres ». / The object of the research is to highlight that rioting violence cannot be dealt with without an evolution of the legal framework and public-order policing inherited from our History. Our way to manage public-order policing is particularly suitable to our French traditional demonstration pattern. It is significant and exemplary in many respects but that alone cannot close the debate about the forms of social reaction that would be necessary to answer the various forms of the repertoire of protest especially the complex dynamics of rioting disorders.Even though the demonstration, its framing by the police and its legal framework are both an order issue and a cultural issue, rioting acts of violence are a natural irascible behaviour of the human nature. Riots are an object and an issue which translate into in recurring urban crises and the difficulty to satisfactorily deal with them.From an operational point of view and from a judicial one, there is a wide range of answers to the disorders but this results in a double embarrassment:• Riots are very often a means of expression. Consciously or not, the judge and the policy-maker have frequently been indulgent with these behaviours in a legal context in which freedom of expression is a fundamental human right and demonstrating a conquest without equivalent in our country. Social and judicial answers are characterized by indulgence, sometimes legitimate, sometimes inadequate and often ill-understood.• Policing and the tools of the law that were shaped by the legal framework and the culture of demonstration can prove to be inadequate to cope with urban riots and they can result in various as well as inappropriate answers like the trivialization of emergency legal schemes and the sedimentation of a culture of clash between people and the police.The repercussion and identification concept and the analysis of the rebel and unsubdued bouts of anger pave the way to an adaptation of the law and the social response aiming at balancing both the expression of the basic rights and the preservation of public peace in urban areas. This is what is at stake with the dialectics « Liberties – Law – Disorder ».