This dissertation approaches the geopolitics of river infrastructure in the Indus Basin through the structured interaction of "hydraulic regionalism" and "technocratic developmentalism". The former occurs when regional elites feel their access to river resources are threatened by upstream infrastructure development. The latter occurs when technocratic elites underplay the geopolitics of regional vulnerability by stressing the overall integrated development of river resources to maximize utility. The dissertation interprets archival, legal, and ethnographic data regarding the negotiation and adjudication of the Indus Waters Treaty between India, Pakistan, and the World Bank, as well as the implementation of the Indus Basin Development Fund Agreement. The dissertation also analyzes upstream/downstream tension between the Pakistani provinces of Punjab and Sindh. The contributions of this dissertation are in the fields of post-colonial state theory, the political ecology/economy of environmental knowledge, the geopolitics of river disputes, and Marxist methodology.

The present study deals with the institution in which many children spend a large part of their daily lives and thus their childhood. In preschool, the child is at the center of schooling and a part of a scheme with specific requirements, expectations and hopes.   The aim is to highlight how children are referred to and created as subjects when their behavior challenges or puzzles staff at preschool as a discursive practice.   The understanding that form the basis of this study is preschool staff’s experiences from professional practice and the difficulties that may exist when dealing with children that are challenging.   Through interviews with 4 pedagogues and after elucidating different discourses when it comes to children that are challenging on the ground that they relate to how pedagogues talks about children in different context. I´ve noticed four different discourses, children that upsets the natural order, children and situations of transition, children that puzzles and children and early interventions.  The result of the present study insinuated that it seems to be a discrepancy between the discourses about children that are challenging and the governing that control action and thinking in practice. For this a discourse analytic perspective with focus on power, mainly inspired by Michel Foucault has been used and Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis inspired by Gramsci and his use of hegemony.

This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism.

OLIVEIRA, Thiago Chagas. Formação política e consciência de classe no jovem Gramsci (1916-1920). 2007. 145 F. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza-CE, 2007. / Submitted by moises gomes (celtinha_malvado@hotmail.com) on 2012-07-17T16:09:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_dis_TCOliveira.pdf: 1498447 bytes, checksum: 6a7ff33857ba51aa5b19a2460228a72b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-17T16:26:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_dis_TCOliveira.pdf: 1498447 bytes, checksum: 6a7ff33857ba51aa5b19a2460228a72b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-07-17T16:26:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_dis_TCOliveira.pdf: 1498447 bytes, checksum: 6a7ff33857ba51aa5b19a2460228a72b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / O estudo aqui apresentado tem como objetivo a exposição crítico-analítica do pensamento de Gramsci acerca do papel que os trabalhos de formação política assumem na organização da classe trabalhadora, mormente no que diz respeito à formação e ao desenvolvimento de sua consciência de classe. O trabalho, de cunho eminentemente teórico, foi realizado através de uma pesquisa bibliográfica centrada nos escritos gramscianos que vão de 1916 a 1920. A análise dos textos que vão de 1916 a 1918 explicita a importância, para Gramsci, do papel da subjetividade na construção histórica, contida na idéia de que o processo revolucionário não se reduz às dimensões econômicas e políticas, mas entrelaça-se à realização de trabalhos pedagógicos que visa a sedimentar a consciência de classe dos trabalhadores. Para ele, os partidos, os sindicatos e as associações proletárias desempenham papel importante na formação política dos trabalhadores, na medida em que desenvolvem atividades pedagógicas que funcionam como elemento de denúncia e crítica à sociedade capitalista. Nos escritos que vão de 1919 a 1920, gesta-se a noção de que a revolução socialista, para além de um ato insurrecional ou simplesmente tomada do poder governamental burguês, é um processo que exige a transformação radical das relações de produção e distribuição capitalistas; processo para o qual a fábrica se constituiria a célula primária da sociedade comunista. A partir do potencial revolucionário hipotecado aos conselhos de fábrica, Gramsci, nestes escritos, demonstra que os trabalhadores se formam no e pelo trabalho, destacando, ainda, a necessidade de eles elaborarem uma consciência de classe fortalecida pela preparação cultural. O emprego correto dessas reflexões no conjunto da obra gramsciana nos permite fazer a crítica à tendência reducionista que define o conceito de hegemonia como uma mera obtenção de um domínio ideológico ou uma categoria relacionada unicamente à superestrutura e, em seu interior, à “sociedade civil” (compreendida erroneamente como uma esfera contraposta às determinações estruturais e à sociedade política).

This thesis deals with textbooks for the school subject Swedish as a Second Language published during the period of 1995-2005. The target group for the textbooks in Swedish as a Second Language in this study is young people or adults who have immigrated to Sweden. Immigrants and people of foreign origin who live in Sweden are in general structurally subordinated as regards to socioeconomic factors, which connects to the socio-economical segregation problem. Using this as a point of departure the ideology production in the textbooks is studied, mainly from the representations of gender, ethnicity and class. The thesis takes its theoretical departure in the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci’s (1891-1937) concept of hegemony which is based on a mutual understanding between the dominating social classes and the dominated social classes within society. The hegemony is not static but open for negotiation and it is constantly reshaped and renewed. The point of departure is that the teaching materials on the free market are considered to be an arena for ideological struggle, where counter-hegemonic activities occur. The questions posed in the thesis concern which ideologies are produced in the textbooks and the relation between the ideology production and the target group of the teaching materials. The results from the ideology analysis show that the ideology produced in the textbooks varies. The most coherent ideology appears in textbooks which politically connect to the far left and to the Social Democratic party. It is also in these textbooks that the assimilation tendency is the strongest, pertaining to Swedish gender equity and child rearing. One of the textbooks has counter hegemonic content which connects to the anti-globalization movement. In the analysis of the ideological content of the textbooks in relation to the target group it is shown that the expectations are low for them. This is expressed through content relating to the target group concern salary earners and public sector. Focus on entrepreneurship and enterprising is rare and concern famous Swedish companies and trademarks and does not relate to the target group and their provision in Sweden. Thereby the target group is subordinated on the Swedish labour market. The representation also implies in several respects the target group as ignorant. The image of the Swedish homogenous society rests on certain rather hegemonic perception; that is the secular, scientific and rationally built modern society. This representation entails that the multiculturalism that has existed historically and in contemporary society is not acknowledged.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:35:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1965.pdf: 2023697 bytes, checksum: c4fdd29f3f5adefaedd38f58b82c6acd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-02 / Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos / The teaching of philosophy of the education in the courses of pedagogy in the Federal University of Mato Grosso do Sul, in the period from 1999 to 2003, is the object of inquiry of this work, and it was structuralized in two parts. In the first , we made an approach to this object of study, showing the historical root of the relation between philosophy and education, the ways of the teaching of philosophy in Brazil and the relations between philosophy, politics and education in the thought of Antonio Gramsci. In the second part, we carry through the analysis of the study object. On the basis of the found concrete data we describe how professors teach philosophy of education. After knowing the professors academic profiles, the documents found and the testimonials collected through interviews with professors and pupils were appreciated and analyzed. In this manner, we exceed the common sense, revealed the estimates and theoreticalmethodologicals referentials that have based this practice of teaching. The research disclosed that, although inserted in an economically, semi-industrialized farming State, at a moment of world Wide hegemony by the globalized neoliberal capitalism, the professors, in its majority, have acted influenced, direct or indirectly, by the marxist theoretical-methodological referential, especially by the historicism of Antonio Gramsci. The research has put in evidence the motivations that have taken the professors to adopt this referential, its advances and contradictions existing in the pedagogical practice, its mistakes, its limits that can be surpassed so that this academic praxis my be more coherent with the adopted referential and the goals assumed. / O ensino de filosofia da educação nos cursos de pedagogia da Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul, no período de 1999 a 2003, é o objeto de investigação deste trabalho, que foi estruturado em duas partes. Na primeira, fizemos uma aproximação a este objeto de estudo, mostrando as raízes históricas da relação entre filosofia e educação, os caminhos do ensino da filosofia no Brasil e as relações entre filosofia, política e educação no pensamento de Antonio Gramsci. Na segunda, realizamos a análise do objeto de estudo. Com base nos dados concretos encontrados descrevemos o modo como os professores ministram o ensino da filosofia da educação. Após conhecer o perfil acadêmico dos docentes, foram apreciados e analisados tanto os documentos encontrados quanto os depoimentos coletados por meio das entrevistas com professores e alunos. Desse modo, ultrapassamos o senso comum, desvelado os pressupostos e os referenciais teórico-metodológicos que fundamentaram essa prática de ensino. A pesquisa revelou que, apesar de estarem inseridos num Estado economicamente agropecuário, semi-industrializado, em um momento de hegemonia mundial do capitalismo neoliberal globalizado, os professores, em sua maioria, agiram influenciados, de forma direta ou indireta, pelo referencial teórico-metodológico marxista, principalmente pelo historicismo de Antonio Gramsci. A pesquisa evidenciou ainda as motivações que levaram os professores a adotarem este referencial, os seus avanços e as contradições existentes nessa prática pedagógica, os seus equívocos, os seus limites que podem ser superados para que essa práxis acadêmica seja mais coerente com o referencial adotado e com os objetivos propostos.

A pesquisa: \"Conselhos Tutelares e Escolas Públicas de São Paulo: O diálogo preciso teve por objetivo ampliar o debate entre as escolas públicas e os 35 Conselhos Tutelares implantados na cidade da São Paulo, conforme os preceitos do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente - ECA (Lei Federal 8069/90). Ao investigar as requisições que as escolas demandaram aos CTs de suas regiões, entre 2001 e 2006, procuramos analisar a resistência das escolas à legislação do ECA. Por que as escolas teriam somente uma relação burocrática com o CT e não seriam instituições parceiras na garantia dos direitos infanto-juvenis? Entre os nossos pressupostos e convicções, a construção histórica da escola pública brasileira concebida no ideário liberal traduziria em parte a resistência à universalização do ECA, pois o discurso liberal meritocrático defende direitos apenas para os que se esforçam e que cumprem com os seus deveres, portanto, merecedores dos direitos. Outro fator preponderante à recusa da vivência do ECA no cotidiano escolar seria a perpetuação de um modelo autoritário da gestão escolar, no qual, o exercício do poder ainda está centralizado na figura do diretor(a) da escola, o que dificulta a participação da comunidade no interior da escola, bem como, a possibilidade de ação de um agente externo, como o conselheiro tutelar. Nossa pesquisa tem por referencial teórico o pesquisador Antonio Gramsci, o que significa compreender os conselheiros tutelares enquanto intelectuais orgânicos da classe trabalhadora que pressionam o Estado à universalização dos direitos sociais, bem como compreender os Conselhos Tutelares e as escolas públicas enquanto espaços públicos com potencial transformador mediante o fortalecimento da democracia participativa no interior de tais órgãos. O diálogo preciso entre os organismos que compõe da Rede de Proteção Integral dos direitos das crianças e adolescentes significa consensuar o ECA como orientação mestra para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa e democrática. / The research: \"Protective Councils and Public Schools of São Paulo: The precise dialogue! Had as its goal objective the analysis of the correspondences dynamics between public schools and the thirty-five Protective Councils inserted in São Paulo City, according to the rules of \"ECA - Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente\"[Infant and Juvenile Statute - Federal Law no. 8069/90]. The project emphasis lies over the contradiction between the new law\'s radicalism and the total complete protection Doctrine, besides the scholastic quotidian which still shares on the irregular situation Doctrine. The present study comprehended the investigation of the performance of the protective councils on the scope of requirements made by schools from 2001 to 2006. As well, the vision of teachers of 10 public schools in São Paulo City concerning to the performance of the protective counselors. Through the protective councils\' documents analysis questionnaires and interviews, we shall point questions that either make easy or make difficult the relations between public schools and the protective councils. This research has as its theorical system of references the researcher Antonio Gramsci; this, both protective councils and public schools were defended considered as public spaces of transforming potential over the strengthening of participative democracy inside these entities.

A pesquisa: \"Conselhos Tutelares e Escolas Públicas de São Paulo: O diálogo preciso teve por objetivo ampliar o debate entre as escolas públicas e os 35 Conselhos Tutelares implantados na cidade da São Paulo, conforme os preceitos do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente - ECA (Lei Federal 8069/90). Ao investigar as requisições que as escolas demandaram aos CTs de suas regiões, entre 2001 e 2006, procuramos analisar a resistência das escolas à legislação do ECA. Por que as escolas teriam somente uma relação burocrática com o CT e não seriam instituições parceiras na garantia dos direitos infanto-juvenis? Entre os nossos pressupostos e convicções, a construção histórica da escola pública brasileira concebida no ideário liberal traduziria em parte a resistência à universalização do ECA, pois o discurso liberal meritocrático defende direitos apenas para os que se esforçam e que cumprem com os seus deveres, portanto, merecedores dos direitos. Outro fator preponderante à recusa da vivência do ECA no cotidiano escolar seria a perpetuação de um modelo autoritário da gestão escolar, no qual, o exercício do poder ainda está centralizado na figura do diretor(a) da escola, o que dificulta a participação da comunidade no interior da escola, bem como, a possibilidade de ação de um agente externo, como o conselheiro tutelar. Nossa pesquisa tem por referencial teórico o pesquisador Antonio Gramsci, o que significa compreender os conselheiros tutelares enquanto intelectuais orgânicos da classe trabalhadora que pressionam o Estado à universalização dos direitos sociais, bem como compreender os Conselhos Tutelares e as escolas públicas enquanto espaços públicos com potencial transformador mediante o fortalecimento da democracia participativa no interior de tais órgãos. O diálogo preciso entre os organismos que compõe da Rede de Proteção Integral dos direitos das crianças e adolescentes significa consensuar o ECA como orientação mestra para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa e democrática. / The research: \"Protective Councils and Public Schools of São Paulo: The precise dialogue! Had as its goal objective the analysis of the correspondences dynamics between public schools and the thirty-five Protective Councils inserted in São Paulo City, according to the rules of \"ECA - Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente\"[Infant and Juvenile Statute - Federal Law no. 8069/90]. The project emphasis lies over the contradiction between the new law\'s radicalism and the total complete protection Doctrine, besides the scholastic quotidian which still shares on the irregular situation Doctrine. The present study comprehended the investigation of the performance of the protective councils on the scope of requirements made by schools from 2001 to 2006. As well, the vision of teachers of 10 public schools in São Paulo City concerning to the performance of the protective counselors. Through the protective councils\' documents analysis questionnaires and interviews, we shall point questions that either make easy or make difficult the relations between public schools and the protective councils. This research has as its theorical system of references the researcher Antonio Gramsci; this, both protective councils and public schools were defended considered as public spaces of transforming potential over the strengthening of participative democracy inside these entities.

Four years ago, on May 15th 2011, we witnessed in the Spanish State ‘something’ that was quickly and popularly referred to as 15M or the Indignados. Since that day, 15M has had a tremendous impact on the way a large part of the Spanish population understands itself and its response-abilities and rights. In addition, 15M has affected the way in which a large part of the Spanish population understands its environment and those living-beings with whom said environment is co-created and co-inhabited. In this essay I immerse myself in an on-going non-disciplinary, multi-traditional multilogue with individuals being 15M. What I witness, feels and looks like a complex; mutating and dialogic; collective and cooperative; agonistic and transformative 'climate' that many refer to as el clima 15M (15m climate). Allowing different 15M wisdoms to frame the research, I envision this essay as an attempt at gaining a dialogical understanding of what it is that we might be speaking of when referring to 15M. Through this exploration, I seek to place my work within the sketched parameters of what James Tully refers to as public philosophy. The essay engages with individuals being 15M and with the vast literature in Spain around 15M and party-movement Podemos by academics and participants, and the European literature around populism, horizontality and Podemos grounded in Antonio Gramsci. It also draws on reciprocal elucidation literature in theory and in participatory, community-based social science. Moreover, the essay enters into dialogue with a whole body of literature on instrumental versus constitutive means-ends views of political change going back to Mahatma Gandhi and forward to Aldous Huxley, Richard Gregg, Hannah Arendt, Robert Young, Gene Sharp and Cesar Chavez. By giving ‘perspicuous representation’ or thick description of 15M by means of reciprocal elucidation, I am able to make a unique contribution to the theoretical literature on reciprocal elucidation and public philosophy. I am also able to disclose the field of 15M (the phenomenon) in a way that shows it to be different from the way 15M appears in other theoretical frames. Finally, the use of this method of reciprocal elucidation makes a unique contribution to community-based and engaged forms of social scientific research. / Graduate / 0422 / 0615 / 0344 / pouziel@uvic.ca

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier le style indirect libre dans l’œuvre de Pier Paolo Pasolini à travers un axe de recherche qui peut, schématiquement, se rattacher à deux champs: le champs poétique, concernant l'activité littéraire et cinématographique de l'auteur et le champs théorique, où le problème de la forme esthétique devient l'occasion pour l'étude des principes linguistiques etsémiotiques qui en permettent la réalisation. Ce double parcours s'articule à son tour en quatre phases de développement: la phase de la « régression » théorisée dans les années quarante pour expliquer divers processus relatifs à l’emploi du dialecte en littérature ; celle de la « connexion sentimentale », notion tirée des Cahiers de prison de Antonio Gramsci pour décrire le rapport entre les intellectuels et les classes subalternes ; celle du discours indirect libre en tant que tel, qui se trouve à la base de lapoétique des romans romains des années cinquante, et qui est également présent dans d’autres œuvres élaborées plus tard ; et finalement la phase de la subjective indirecte libre, théorisée dans les années soixante pour décrire le style indirect libre au cinéma.La régression, la connexion sentimentale, le discours indirect libre, la subjective libre indirecte constituent le point de contact entre le parcours poétique et dans le même temps théorique de l'auteur. La régression dans la parole de l’autre, ou, comme au cinéma, dans le regard de l’autre, représente en dernière instance la tentative de l’auteur de traduire sur le plan littéraire et cinématographique la réalité de conflits historiques et existentiels. / This doctoral thesis studies the free indirect style in Pasolini's works through a double path of research. On one hand it takes into account his literary and cinematic production; on the other it studies the linguistic and semiotic principles on which its free indirect style hinges. This double path has been crossed in the light of four notions that Pasolini developed in his theoretical essays along his artisticactivity. The first one is the “regression”, elaborated in the 40s in order to describe the usage of the Friulian dialect of his early poems. The second one is the “sentimental connection”, which Pasolini discovered in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks and he employed to analyse the relationship between intellectuals and subaltern classes. The third one concerns the free indirect discourse used in Pasolini's Roman novels of the 50s and studied from a linguistic and semiotic point of view in some essays. The last one is the free indirect subjective theorised in the 60s to describe the cinematic adaptation of the free indirect style.Regression, sentimental connection, free indirect discourse and free indirect subjective are the most important notions of Pasolini's free indirect style. They show how the author established itslinguistic, political and sentimental relationship with the subalterns that populates his literary works aswell as his movies.