Inserida no campo de estudo das relações raciais e ações afirmativas, esta pesquisa teve como objetivo principal conhecer as percepções raciais apresentadas por alunos auto classificados negros da Faculdade Zumbi dos Palmares e averiguar, no entendimento destes alunos, o que a experiência de cursar esta faculdade influenciou na maneira como significam esta pertença racial. Localizada na cidade de São Paulo, a Faculdade Zumbi dos Palmares (FZP) é uma instituição privada, de caráter comunitário e sem fins lucrativos que foi criada em 2003 com o objetivo de atender à demanda da população negra por formação em nível superior. Essa iniciativa pretendia constituir uma faculdade de excelência que, além da formação acadêmica, pudesse proporcionar aos estudantes negros um espaço de construção e afirmação da identidade racial por meio de currículos marcados pela transversalidade, que abordam diretamente a questão do negro na sociedade brasileira. Para atender aos seus objetivos, a faculdade instituiu um sistema de cotas raciais no qual destina 50% de suas vagas a alunos auto declarados negros. A pesquisa, de caráter qualitativo, foi realizada entre os anos de 2009 e 2011, a partir de visitas de observação e entrevistas individuais baseadas em questionários semi-estruturados. Foram realizadas cinco entrevistas com alunos dos cursos de Direito e Administração de Empresas e uma entrevista com uma representante da instituição. Os roteiros utilizados pretendiam abarcar diferentes aspectos da vida dos entrevistados e da rotina da faculdade, bem como suas percepções sobre identidade racial e o modo como compreendiam as relações raciais a partir de suas experiências na FZP. Do ponto de vista teórico, essa pesquisa se apoiou nos conceitos de raça, pertencimento racial, socialização e ação afirmativa. Os resultados evidenciam a influência não só do discurso da FZP, mas também da convivência com outros jovens estudantes negros, em um ambiente que se mostrou bastante estimulante e acolhedor ao debate das questões raciais comuns àqueles estudantes. Este contexto comprovou-se propício ao desenvolvimento de um pertencimento racial, entendido aqui como a auto-inclusão em uma coletividade na qual se compartilham valores, anseios e aspirações implicando comprometimento ativo com um projeto de sociedade que vá ao encontro dessas aspirações, ainda que marcado por contradições com os ideias de individualismo e competitividade presentes neste tipo de projeto de ascensão social. / Delving into race relations and affirmative action programs, this study examines the racial perceptions of undergraduate students at Zumbi dos Palmares College who classify themselves as black. It also examines how these students understand their own sense of racial belonging at this institution. Located in the city of São Paulo, Zumbi dos Palmares College (FZP) is a private, non-profit educational organization which was established in 2003 in order to meet the demands of black students with regard to higher education. This college was created to not only to provide excellent educational programs but also to provide an environment where black students can build and affirm strong racial identities through a curriculum that is emphasizes social inclusion, which is something that directly affects black people in Brazilian society. To help reach its goals, the college instituted a racial quota system in which 50% of their available undergraduate spots are reserved for self-declared black students. The qualitative research was carried out from 2009 to 2011, from observational visits and semi-structured individual interviews. The researcher interviewed five students from the Law and Business Administration programs and one representative of the institution. The material used was intended to encompass different aspects of the lives of the respondents within the confines of the college´s routines. Furthermore, the study analyzed studenst perceptions of racial identity and their understanding about race relations from their experiences at FZP. From a theoretical perspective, this research relied on the concepts of race, racial inclusion, socialization and affirmative action. The results show the influence of the open racial discourse at FZP, and more specifically, the effects of groups of young black students living with other young black students in an encouraging and welcoming environment designed to promote the debate of racial issues. This institution has proven to be conducive to the development of racial inclusion a community in which has shared values, desires and aspirations involving an active engagement with a societal project. Nevertheless, it should be noted that these goals, though positive, are marked by some inconsistencies regarding individualism and competitiveness which should be core to a project for social mobility.

. A presente dissertação tem por objetivo observar a influência da black music norte-americana na formação da identidade dos jovens negros que frequentam as festas da cena black paulistana. Para isso, procura-se debruçar sobre os fatores históricos, sociais, culturais e políticos que propiciam essa dinâmica. A motivação para a realização do trabalho nasce da participação em eventos nos dois países em diferentes momentos, onde se fez perceptível certa semelhança no comportamento dos jovens, o que despertou o desejo de investigar quão profundos seriam esses laços entre grupos tão distintos. A partir da perspectiva dos Estudos Culturais intenta-se mostrar como há mais de quatro décadas a black music atua como um elo entre povos da diáspora africana. O embasamento teórico e as entrevistas realizadas permitem contextualizar o fenômeno e trilhar um percurso que demonstra como a partir da escravidão e da forma como o pensamento racial se estruturou, a sociedade brasileira foi gerada de forma excludente deixando o negro sem referenciais positivos para formar sua identidade, o que faz com que as manifestações afro-americanas sirvam de inspiração, ainda que existam diferenças nas relações raciais nos dois países. Essa aproximação se dá principalmente no campo cultural, em especial por meio da música, que se manifesta na diáspora como um memorial à ancestralidade africana. Essa dinâmica tem início ainda na década de 1970 com os grandes bailes blacks, se transforma na década de 1980 com o surgimento do movimento hip hop em São Paulo e chega ao século 21, em uma nova fase de baladas blacks que podem ser vistas como um forte exemplo das mudanças ocorridas no novo milênio a partir do advento da globalização. Utilizo como metodologia a pesquisa bibliográfica, por meio de livros, vídeos e websites além de observações realizadas a partir de experiências pessoais e entrevistas, o que permite uma maior compreensão do fenômeno. / This dissertation aims to observe the influence of American black music in the identity formation of the black youth who attend the black party scene in Sao Paulo city. We look into the historical, social, cultural and political factors that favor this dynamic. The motivation is participation in events in both countries at different moments, which aroused the desire to investigate these deep ties between such distinct groups. From the Cultural Studies perspective we show how American black music has played a role in the link between diaspora people. The theoretical basement and the interviews allows us to contextualize this phenomenon and to view a path showing how from slavery the way racial thought was structured in Brazilian society has generated exclusionary ideas which didnt give positive influences for the black identity. That makes the African American manifestations serve as inspirations even if there are differences in the racial relations in both countries. This approximation occurs mainly in the cultural field. Especially through the music, which manifests in the diaspora as a memorial to the African inheritance. This dynamic started in the 1970s at huge black balls and underwent a transformation in the 1980s with creation of the hip hop movement in Sao Paulo and arrives to the 21st century in a new phase of black clubs which can be observed as a strong example of the changes that globalization has brought. As methodology I used bibliographical research through books, videos, sites and also observations through personal experiences and interviews which allow better comprehension of the phenomenon.

Pesquisando boletins de ocorrências lavrados entre os anos de 1912 e 1920 que ao contrário da maioria dos documentos oficiais do período, informam a cor e a ocupação - e comparando-os com o Recenseamento Geral do Brasil de 1872, constatou-se que diversos trabalhos exercidos por escravos não se mantiveram como ocupação de ex-escravos ou seus descendentes na segunda década do século XX. Analisando as formulações acadêmicas produzidas a partir da segunda metade do século XIX, que abordavam as relações raciais no Brasil e orientaram a transição do trabalho escravo para o trabalho livre; estudando a legislação do período, as ações governamentais e de grandes empresários para favorecer a imigração e as preferências étnicas dos empregadores, podemos perceber que a substancial diminuição de negros no mercado de trabalho foi conseqüência daquele conjunto de elaborações e ações. A exclusão do trabalho, da terra e a dificuldade no acesso a educação levou os negros à marginalização social e política, imprimindo a Republica e ao capitalismo brasileiro, que se afirmaram ao longo do século XX, a marca da discriminação racial e da construção de uma ideologia que a justificava: o racismo. Assim, impedidos pelos mecanismos de discriminação racial, foram infrutíferas as tentativas de inclusão e ascensão social dos descendentes de escravos. Além disso, a condição marginal a que foram relegados imprimia legitimidade a argumentação ideológica que creditava a eles a responsabilidade por sua exclusão e, por conseguinte, reforçava a marginalização a que foram submetidos. / Searching occurrences reports tilled between the years 1912 and 1920 - which unlike most of the official documents of the period, inform the color and occupation - and comparing them to the General Census of Brazil in 1872, it was found that many jobs held by slaves did not remain as occupation of former slaves or their descendants in the second decade of the twentieth century. Analyzing the academic formulations produced from the second half of the nineteenth century, which approached the racial relations in Brazil and guided the transition from slave to free labor, studying the law of the period, the governmental actions and business leaders to favor immigration and ethnic preferences of employers, we realize that this substantial decline of black people in the labor market was a consequence of that set of actions and elaborations. The exclusion of labor, land and the difficulty in accessing to education led black people to social and political marginalization, printing the Republic and the Brazilian capitalism, it said throughout the twentieth century, the brand of racial discrimination and the construction of an ideology the justification: racism. So prevented by the mechanisms of racial discrimination, were unsuccessful attempts to inclusion and social advancement of the descendants of slaves. Furthermore, the marginal condition that were relegated printed legitimacy ideological argumentation that credited them responsibility for their exclusion and therefore reinforced the marginalization they have undergone.

The subject of this thesis is the temporary and travelling exhibition Velorios y santos vivos: comunidades negras, afrocolombianas, raizales y palenqueras [Wakes and living saints: Black, Afro-Colombian, Raizal and Palenquero communities]. ‘Velorios,’ as many people involved in the project referred to it, portrayed Afro-Colombian funerals and devotions to Catholic saints, and was on display in the temporary exhibitions hall in the National Museum of Colombia, in Bogotá, from 21 August to 3 November 2008. Before it closed, a travelling version was designed that began to go around the country in 2009. When I wrote this thesis, ‘the Itinerante,’ as the travelling version was referred to at the Museum, was still available as one of the displays that its Travelling Exhibitions Programme (TEP) offered to the public. I use Velorios and the Itinerante as the main ‘characters’ in an ethnography of the National Museum of Colombia, where I explore the different instances in which this major exhibition produced visibilities and invisibilities regarding the place of Afro-Colombian people in the nation. As a museum, this institution is responsible for managing, researching and displaying its four collections (of art, history, ethnography and archaeology) but also, as one of the Ministry of Culture’s ‘special administrative units,’ it is in charge of designing and implementing policies that regulate all the other museums in Colombia. This is in keeping with national and international official legislation regarding cultural heritage, like the National Culture Plan and UNESCO’s resolutions, and in support of the development and strengthening of museums, museology and museum design in the whole country. Here I show what these responsibilities and duties translate into on the ground. The themes that the thesis explores are i) (in)visibility, ii) participatory collaboration and, also as the means to approach these themes, iii) documents and documentation. They are all components of the kind of curatorship that this museum exhibition conveyed.

L’esclavage noir en Amérique espagnole des XVIe et XVIIe siècles à travers les documents juridiques. Dans le cadre de ce travail, nous avons traité dans un premier temps la question des différentes justifications de l’esclavage depuis l’Antiquité jusqu’à l’Époque moderne par les théories aristotéliciennes de l’esclavage par nature, les écrits bibliques ainsi que la question raciale telle qu'elle pouvait être perçue à l'époque. La condamnation officielle de l'esclavage des autochtones américains finalement prononcée par les autorités espagnoles va laisser toutes la place au trafic des esclaves d'origine africaine même si le gros des transactions sera laissé aux marchands portugais qui se lancent dans un commerce à grande échelle qui va durer plus de trois siècles. Dans ce contexte, on analyse comment l’homme noir devient « l’autre » depuis le moment de sa capture et de sa vente en Afrique puis durant sa captivité et durant la traversée avant sa revente en Amérique, comment la personnalité ainsi que le droit naturel à la liberté et se gouverner lui-même lui sont ôtées et niées. Il subit une privation générale de ses droits qu’ils soient naturels ou positifs. Par conséquent, l’esclavage commence par un processus de plusieurs phases de transitions brutales jusqu’à son arrivée en Amérique espagnole.Les traductions et transcriptions de documents authentiques et inédits glanés dans les différents dépôts d'archives nous ont permis de composer un corpus de lois de l’esclavage noir le plus exhaustif possible. Son étude approfondie nous permet de dégager des tendances et observer la complexité du monde colonial. En effet, l’Amérique espagnole des XVIe et XVIIe siècle est un monde violent où la personnalité de l’homme noir est saisie presque uniquement à travers la brutalité, notamment le port d’arme, l’ivresse, les vols, les regroupements dans la rue de jour ou de nuit et les fuites qui le mènent à créer des palenques durablement installés dans les montagnes, ce qui provoque l’inquiétude grandissante chez les Espagnols, en peine pour canaliser cette caste noir et mulâtre toujours plus nombreuse en particulier dans les pôles urbains. Ainsi, il est intéressant de montrer quelles sont les relations qu’entretiennent les différents groupes en présence. Les relations sociales en particulier entre Indiens et Noirs sont d’une dureté inattendue même si parfois des élans de solidarités contre l’ennemi commun apparaissent. Grâce au rôle d’intermédiaires entre leur maître et les Indiens, les Noirs dans un sentiment nouveau de supériorité numérique, s’assimilent aux Espagnols et commettent de nombreux abus et mauvais traitements à l’égard des natifs par mimétisme et phénomène compensatoire. Ainsi que nous proposons à travers l’étude de différents documents juridiques, on ne peut lire ce monde de manière manichéenne où la place de chacun n’est pas figée mais plutôt en perpétuel mouvement est composé d’Espagnols oisifs, de Noirs qui s’enfuient pour échapper à leur maître, d’Espagnols qui les aident en leur fournissant des denrées alimentaires pour survivre, d’autres Noirs qui essaient d’occuper des postes assez haut placés réservés aux Blancs, d’autres encore qui devenus affranchis sont faits soldats par les autorités pour assurer la protection des villes portuaires de l’empire, des relations entre Noirs et Indiens tour à tour conflictuelles et solidaires, des mulâtres de plus en plus nombreux. On notera que dans de rares cas, esclaves ou maîtres font preuve de solidarité, d’empathie et de compassion envers autrui. / In this work, we first dealt with the question of the different justifications of slavery from Antiquity to the Early Modern Age through Aristotelian theories of slavery by nature, biblical writings and the racial question as it could be perceived at the time. The processes that lead to the use of Blacks as labour and leading to large-scale slave trade and the different areas of work in which they are employed have been described. In this context, we analyse how the black man becomes "the other" from the moment of his capture and sale in Africa, then during his captivity and the crossing before his resale in America, how the personality as well as the natural right to freedom and to govern himself are taken away and denied. He is subjected to a general deprivation of his rights, whether natural or positive. Therefore, slavery begins with a process of several phases of brutal transitions until it arrives in Spanish Colonial America.The translations and transcriptions of authentic and unpublished documents gleaned from the various archives have enabled us to compile a body of laws on black slavery that is as exhaustive as possible. Its in-depth study allows us to identify trends and observe the complexity of the colonial world. Indeed, Spanish America of the 16th and 17th centuries was a violent world where the personality of the black man was seized almost exclusively through brutality, including the carrying of weapons, drunkenness, robberies, street gatherings during the day or at night and the fleeing that led him to create palenques permanently installed in the mountains, which caused growing concern among the Spanish, struggling to channel this black and mulatto caste ever more numerous, especially in urban centres. Thus, it is interesting to show the relationships between the different groups involved. Social relations, particularly between Indians and Blacks, were unexpectedly harsh, even if sometimes there were surges of solidarity against the common enemy. Thanks to the role of intermediaries between their master and the Indians, Blacks, in a new sense of numerical superiority, assimilated to the Spanish and committed numerous abuses and illtreatment of the natives by mimicry and compensatory phenomena. As we propose through the study of different legal documents, we cannot read this world in a Manichean way where everyone's place is not fixed but rather in perpetual movement is composed of idle Spaniards, Blacks who flee to escape their master, Spaniards who help them by providing them with food to survive, other blacks who tried to occupy fairly high-ranking positions reserved for whites, others who became liberated were made soldiers by the authorities to ensure the protection of the empire's port cities, relations between blacks and Indians, alternating between conflict and solidarity, and an ever-increasing number of mulattoes. It should be noted that in rare cases, slaves or masters show solidarity, empathy and compassion towards others.

This ethnohistorical study returns to a historical site of Black education, The Mississippi Freedom Schools (MFS) of 1964, to excavate conceptions of teacher education and Black education held by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) a predominantly Black social movement organization. The MFS served as an alternative site of education for Black children across the state of Mississippi that, unlike public school, placed the lives of Black children and the movement for Black liberation at the center of learning. Through an analysis of digital archival documents, secondary sources, and interviews this dissertation is segmented into two sections of historical findings. Part I begins with a series of narratives recounting a racialized history of teacher education, the journey of Black education in America, and the origin of SNCC. The second section details the foundational values of teacher education, answers the question, “What counted as teacher education?”, and derives the essential components of Black education all held by SNCC. By illuminating these conceptions this study aims to inform and transform the trajectory of not only how teachers are prepared to teach Black children, but also inform the broader field of education as it relates to education policy, curriculum, and teacher education program design. This study found that the foundational values of teaching and teacher education held by SNCC required teachers to interrogate and confront their deepest perceptions of Black folk, demands that teachers release ego and hero archetypes, and that teacher education actively disrupt traditional teacher-student binaries. Additionally, this study found that SNCC believed that a shattering of perceived realities and ideological foundations, a theoretical understanding of the Black American experience, and a knowledge of both the historical and current context of Mississippi counted as teacher education. Lastly, this dissertation found, according to SNCC, Black education served as a confirmation of youth’s lived experiences in an inequitable society, to demystify the functions of society that leads to oppression, aimed to dispel anti-Black myths and supplement the erasure of Blackness in school curriculum, and worked to cultivate an activist mindset and skillset.

Understanding “all policy is health policy,” this dissertation explores Black people’s healing and wellbeing with an abolition mindset. Through the lens of arts and culture in public health, the title denotes a pursuit of “healthful narratives” with ethical storytelling, creating, and performing that is conducive to good health. It manifests as public health dreaming in the midst of COVID-19 and state-sanctioned violence resulting from colonialism and racial capitalism—which contribute to racial hierarchies and millions of cross-generational deaths. This mixed-methods study contemplates the future of health promotion with concern for honoring Black creativity’s role in population health, and reckons with racial capitalism as foundational to health inequities and preventable, premature death. The study asks 1) What socio-cultural pathways do or can exist for theatrical and performance productions for health promotion? 2) In the face of racial, gendered capitalism, how does creativity manifest for Black women and/or gender-expansive people when creating or performing art and cultural work related to health promotion goals? Merging arts and culture into traditional public health infrastructure further exacerbates anti-Black harm, because it risks history repeating itself as our contemporary reality. As practice-based evidence, my Black Feminist Performance Auto/ethnography is research-engaged theatre, accompanied by learnings from research partners practicing contemplative arts-based research methodology. The findings are GriefLove, co-conceived with Des Bennett (director and dramaturg), and a narrative analysis of collage-based health mosaics and definitions of healthful narratives as forecasts of community-driven public health dreaming. The final chapter presents three socio-cultural pathways: “Black Embodiment,” “The Aesthetics of Health,” and “Futurity.” In the spirit of healthful narratives, it closes with a letter to Black Public Health Creatives and Cultural Workers in service of cultural and health equity—markers of “Good Health.”

Mass incarceration is a public health issue that impacts millions of Americans. Draconian drug laws, over-policing, and unfair sentencing policies rooted in racism have led to the incarceration of millions of Black and Latinx people in the past four decades. Mass incarceration not only has collateral consequences for the health of the incarcerated, but also fortheir partners and children across multiple dimensions. This cross-sectional study recruited participants using social media, email, and text messages. Those who identified as Black or Latinx, age 20 or older, and who had a partner who was incarcerated for at least three months were eligible for study participation. The study was novel in asking for ratings of physical and mental/emotional health for four time periods: before their partner’s incarceration, after their partner’s incarceration, the year after their partner’s release, and “now”/currently. Results showed significant declines in both physical and mental/emotional health (e.g., a decline in ratings for during their partner’s incarceration from the pre-incarceration level), as well as improvements (e.g., improvement for the period “now”/currently from the during incarceration level). Also, when rating their children for the same four time periods for physical health, mental/emotional health, behavioral conduct, and school performance, a similar pattern of both declines and improvements was found. Findings argued for the importance of a methodology using multiple time periods for obtaining ratings, and for a resilience framework to accommodate interpretation of improvements. Further, having a greater number of children, being currently employed, having a lower income, and a lower rating of mental health during their partner’s incarceration were four significant predictors found in the regression models for both study outcome variables: i.e., (1) a higher negative impact from a partner’s incarceration on multiple dimensions; and (2) more harmful mental health consequences for partners of the incarcerated. Findings provided evidence for an especially underserved at-risk subset within the population of diverse male and female partners of the incarcerated: i.e., Black and Latinx women with a high number of children who are employed yet earning low wages—while suffering from severe mental health symptoms. Implications of the findings and recommendations are discussed.

Professional decision-making concerning the nature and quantity of schoolchildren's educational, counseling, and remedial experiences is critical to children's success. How are aspects of students' race and socioeconomic status associated with teachers' and counselors' recommendations regarding the supportive and remedial services provided to them? This study examined how racial/ethnic identity and social class may influence the early treatment decisions that teachers and counselors make about programs and services that could benefit their students. The study analyzed archival data collected from teachers and counselors via a classroom vignette study in which participants suggested appropriate programming and services for a hypothetical child. The scenario and the presenting issues were the same across all vignettes, while the hypothetical child's race/ethnicity and socioeconomic background varied. Overall, the results suggested that many teachers and counselors can make unbiased decisions about service recommendations for students. However, responses to the Asian American vignette frequently seemed to be affected by the model minority stereotype; in addition, trends that suggested biased views towards Latinx and low SES students were found, along with the possible existence of a positive feedback bias toward Black students. Suggested future research directions included the creation of a scale for the measurement of attitudinal dispositional ratings with an extension to clinical settings.

In May of 2021, in a move unprecedented in European history, the governments of Germany and Namibia announced the completion of their negotiations for funding to redress what they together have termed the "wounds" of the colonial past. The bilateral agreement had long been declared void by Namibians of diverse backgrounds, however, who protested that the way they have been treated pales in comparison to the kind of treatment that Jewish people of various communities have received from Germany since 1945. My ethnographic research followed the diversity of discourse about German colonialism in two years leading up to this agreement in multiple locations; from hearings concerning legal demands for the return of Herero and Nama indigenous land, bones, and cattle in New York City, to political struggles around race and racism in Berlin, to the intransigent settler work of German Lutheran landowners in Namibia. I explore this ethnographic and historical material in a thesis that has three distinct sections. In the first part, I look at the place of the idea of Germany in these ongoing struggles by turning to the German Namibian community and the networks that they operate in and through. I ask after the borders of Germany as an idea, as a territory, and as a political theology – and I look to what "German Namibia" can tell us about contemporary German politics more broadly – most specifically as a site to undertake a potential genealogy of German Protestant Liberalism and its various phantasms. In the second part, I look to the history of Holocaust reparations and its relationship to the Herero and Nama case in the New York courtroom to understand how historically specific iterations of the figure of the suffering Jew have come to contour various grammars in which repair for anti-Black violence and native dispossession are fought for and responded to, especially when figured through the juridical language of reparations. In the third part, I turn towards the contemporary German politics of acknowledgment, Vergangenheitsbewältigung, the process of coming to terms with the past. Rather than asking here after the lack of attention to colonial history on the part of the German state, I ask after how the state has actively tried to oppose colonial racism by integrating the history of colonialism into its memory politics. I look to the multiple paradoxes of this attempt that I argue ultimately leads to a reinscription of German white supremacy upon racialized bodies. Overall, my research turns to the past and present of German settler colonialism to explore the politics of reparation on an international scale alongside the relationship between race, religion, and repair in a fractured Europe.