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The purpose of the study was to investigate the Bosnian diaspora's experiences in the Swedish labor market. The method used was qualitative interviews that consisted of semi-structured questions and through thematic analysis, three themes were developed that included background, after arrival and integration in the labor market. I used Jose Diaz's integration model as theory, which was broken down into eight dimensions of integration, which I analyzed together with my results. It became clear that Bosnians have a so-called key to success in terms of integration after interviewing eight respondents. This meant that they had a long-term approach to their move to Sweden. They prioritized education, work and learning and received support from social networks. By purposefully striving for professional recognition, Bosnians managed to enter the Swedish labor market in a short time in comparison with other refugee groups. They used a social network of compatriots for translations, to take part in information from authorities and to find work. Another factor that has influenced is that Bosnians are European refugees who have a similar appearance, culture, and school system as Swedes. Today, Bosnians are considered equal to Swedes in the labor market.

Denna IMER studie handlar om att undersöka bosniska flyktingars integration på arbetsmarknaden. Det valda syftet om bosniska flyktingars etablering på arbetsmarknaden identifierar de strategier och faktorer som har varit viktiga för att få inträde till arbetsmarknaden. Frågeställningarna som besvarats är, vilka faktorer som varit betydelsefulla för bosniers integration på arbetsmarknaden i Sverige? samt om utbildning i Bosnien och/eller Sverige haft betydelse för integrationen på arbetsmarknaden och i så fall på vilket sätt? Studien avgränsas till 90- talets flyktingvåg och fokuserar på individer med någon form av utbildning, som var mellan 20–30 år när de anlände till Sverige. För att besvara studiens syfte har en kvalitativ metod använts, i form av intervjuer. De valda teoretiska utgångspunkterna är humankapital, integration och assimilation. Undersökningens resultat visar på att språk och utbildning har varit nyckeln till att inträda den svenska arbetsmarknaden. Intervjupersonerna var förändringsbenägna och reflexiva i sitt förhållningssätt. Genom att snabbt lära sig det svenska språket och utbilda sig på nytt i Sverige, samt sträva efter att bli en del av den svenska samhörigheten kunde de etablera sig på arbetsmarknaden. / This IMER study is about the integration of Bosnian refugees in the labor market. The chosen theme on the establishment of Bosnian refugees in the labor market identifies the strategies and factors that have been important in entering the labor market. The questions answered in the study is, witch factors have been significant for Bosnian’s integration in the labor market? And has education in Bosnia and/or Sweden had any significance for integration on the labor market and, if so, in what way? The study is limited to the refugee wave of the 90s and focuses on people who have some form of education, and who were between the ages of 20 and 30 when they arrived in Sweden. The approach is a qualitative method, in the form of interviews. The chosen theoretical starting points are human capital, integration, and assimilation. The results of the study show that language and education have been the key to entering the labor market. The interviewees were prone to change and reflexive in their approach. By quickly learning the Swedish language and re-educating in Sweden, as well as striving to become part of the Swedish community, they were able to establish themselves on the labor market.

Diasporas have been occurring for thousands of years, and today globalization has facilitated the quick rate at which diasporas occur on a global scale. Diasporas entail the mass movement of refugees across international borders, and diasporic peoples today now find themselves journeying across oceans and continents to the safety of host cities in a matter of weeks or days. My research analyzes the effects that Bosnian immigrants have had on the cultural landscape of Bowling Green, Kentucky. When people move, they bring their cultures with them, and this type of cultural diffusion impacts the landscape of the host cities. As geographic research on diasporas is limited, this study aims to fill the gap that exists. Bowling Green, Kentucky, was selected for this analysis due to its large refugee population. Some of Bowling Green’s refugee population is comprised of immigrants from Iraq, Burma, Cambodia, and Sudan. Bosnians comprise the largest population of refugees in the city. In addition to examining immigrant policies and theories, the impacts of the Bosnian diaspora on Bowling Green’s cultural landscape will also be identified. Understanding how those cultures modify landscapes is an important part of diasporic research. The data used for this study were acquired through surveys, census details, telephone directories, interviews, and the extant literature. The hypothesis of this study is that Bosnian immigrants have a stronger visual impact on Bowling Green’s cultural landscape than other immigrant ethnic groups due to their large representation in the city.

The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was ended in 1995 with the signing of the Dayton Agreement. However, despite almost 25 years passing since its implementation Bosnia and Herzegovina is still a troubled state with deep internal divisions. This study seeks to analyzethe Dayton Agreement using an English School framework together with an examination of the most prevalent approach to peace within it. In Particular, it uses recent English School theoretical developments that place the concepts of order and justice on a spectrum where an ideal mix is sought. The focus is on discovering whether there is a focus on order to the detriment of justice. To accomplish this the thesis uses a combination of qualitative text analysis and the ADICO grammatical syntax which seeks to analyze statements by breaking them down into their constituent parts. The results of the analysis showed that the initial hypothesis was faulty, and order was in fact the least coded part of the Dayton Agreement. However, it also uncovereda number of problems, and contradictions within the Agreement, most of whom were to the detriment of the parts dedicated to justice and peacebuilding. Findings indicate that the parts of the Dayton Agreement focusing on justice and long-term peacebuilding have been negatively affected by inconsistencies and problems within it as well as the sheer variety of goals that the Agreement seeks to fulfill. This in turn has had implications for the long-term success and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

This research study examines the impact of international migration of household labor for Bosnian immigrant women living in Portland, Oregon. Bosnia is a society with enduring patriarchal traditions which assume that women are in charge of doing household chores. Men are in charge of providing for the family monetarily. Many Bosnian families migrated to the U.S. in the mid 1990's in order to escape the war in Bosnia. In this study I interview 10 of these Bosnian women, concerning the division of labor in their homes in Bosnia and their homes in U.S. After migrating to the U.S. the amount of work women did within the home lessened as their husbands became more involved in helping with various chores. The changes in the division of household labor did not subvert traditional gender roles. Wives transferred and adapted their views of gender performativity after they migrated to the United States. The results are consistent with research that states that migrant women focus more on advancement of their family rather on their own emancipation.

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No description available.

In den Jahren 1992-1995 kamen ca. 35 Tausend bosnische Kriegsflüchtlinge nach Berlin und wurden vorübergehend geduldet. Nach Kriegsende 1995 sollten sie schnellstmöglich wieder zurückkehren. Traumatisierte und Ältere ohne Angehörige im Heimatland wurden weiterhin geduldet bis Bosnien-Herzegowina wieder aufgebaut ist. Doch der Wiederaufbau verlief schleppend. Mit dem Friedensvertrag von Dayton begannen nicht Frieden und Wiederaufbau, sondern die Konsolidierung der ethnischen Grenzen in demokratischen Strukturen. Deshalb sahen viele Flüchtlinge keine Möglichkeit in ihre Heimatorte zurückzukehren und versuchten ihre Rückkehr hinauszuschieben. Möglich war dies mithilfe der Attestierung einer kriegsbedingten Posttraumatischen Belastungsstörung und ihre psychotherapeutische Behandlung, die den Inhabenden und ihren Familienmitgliedern eine Aufenthaltsverlängerung ermöglichte und ab dem Jahr 2000 den Erhalt eines dauerhaften Aufenthaltstitels. Die Verbindung einer psychischen Krankheit und ihrer Psychotherapie mit einem Aufenthaltsrecht ist neu in der Geschichte des deutschen Ausländerrechts und obwohl Berliner Psychiater, Psychiaterinnen, Psychologinnen und Psychologen maßgeblich an der Schaffung der „Traumatisiertenregelung“ beteiligt waren, wurden ihre Atteste von der Berliner Verwaltung in Frage gestellt. In der Dissertation werden die Standpunkte der Flüchtlinge, Behandelnden und der Verwaltung dargelegt und ihre Interaktionen beschrieben.Die Rolle des Krankheitskonzeptes der Posttraumatischen Belastungsstörung wird als "boundary object" (Star/Griesemer 1989) untersucht. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf den Lebenswelten und Taktiken der Flüchtlinge, sich in Berlin zurechtzufinden und Anerkennung und Verständnis für ihre Situation zu finden. Ihre Bedürfnisse wurden in einen psychotherapeutischen Bedarf übersetzt und damit den Berliner Psychotherapeutinnen und -therapeuten ein neues Betätigungs- und Professionalisierungfeld geboten, was kritisch hinterfragt wird. / From 1992 until 1995 about 35 thousand Bosnian war refugees fled to Berlin and were allowed to stay temporarily. After the end of the war in 1995 they were expected to leave as soon as possible. Traumatized persons and elderly without relatives in Bosnia had the possibility to prolong their visa until Bosnia is reconstructed. But the rebuilding process progressed only slowly. With the end of the war did not start the expected peace time and rebuilding but the consolidation of ethnic borders inside democratic structures. Therefore many refugees did not see a possibility to return to their property and tried to delay their return. This was possible with an medical statement certifying a war related posttraumatic stress disorder and their psychotherapeutic treatment. These medical statements ensured the extension of the visa for the concerned person and its family members. From 2000 onwards they could receive a permanent residence title. The connection of a mental illness and psychotherapy with residence entitlements is a novelty in the German aliens law. And despite the fact that psychiatrists and psychologists from Berlin were leading actors in the establishment of the „regularization of the traumatized“ their medical/psychological statements were impeached by the authorities. The dissertation describes the viewpoints of refugees, treating physicians and psychologists and the authorities and how they interact with each other. Additionally is the concept of posttraumatic stress disorder examined and discussed as „boundary object“ (Star/Griesemer 1989). An important aspect is the description of life worlds and tactics of the refugees to get along in Berlin, to gain respect and appreciation for their situation. Their needs were translated into a psychotherapeutic demand and this led to the invention of a new field of work and professionalization for psychotherapists in Berlin. This development is critically reflected.

In 1948 the international community in reaction to the horrors of the holocaust sought to eradicate genocide forever by creating the 'Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide'. This Convention criminalised the preparation and act of genocide by international law, making all individuals accountable irrelevant of status or sovereignty. But the Convention has not been enough to deter the act of genocide from occurring again, and again, and again. Worst, the international community has been slow to react to cases of genocide. The problem with preventing and punishing genocide is hindered by the power and right of veto held by permanent members of the UNSC. The UNSC has been given the responsibility to maintain international peace and security and is the only entity that can mandate an intervention that overrides the principle of non-intervention. The aim of this thesis is to show that the veto has been a crucial factor in stopping the prevention of genocide, thus it is imperative that the veto change. This study argues that to effectively prevent and punish genocide the veto needs to be barred from use in cases of genocide. It looks at different cases since the Armenian genocide during WWI through to the Darfur genocide which is still in process. The case of Armenia is significant because for the first time, members of the international community were prepared to hold leaders of another state accountable for their treatment of their own citizens. However the collective will to bring justice to those accountable waned coming to an abrupt end in 1923. The holocaust followed in WWII; six million Jews died, and numerous other groups were targeted under the Nazi's serial genocide. The shock of the holocaust led to the Genocide Convention. But thirty years later during the Cold War, Cambodia became embroiled in a genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge. The international community silently stood by. The USSR, China, and the US all had their reasons to stay out of Cambodia, from supporting a regime with a likeminded political ideology to war weariness from Vietnam. In the 1990s, genocides in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Kosovo) followed. The former was neglected by the US's unwillingness to be involved in another peacekeeping disaster. The two genocides in the former Yugoslavia were affected by Russia and China's reluctance to use military force even after the clear failure of serial negotiations. Finally, in 2003 Darfur became the latest tragedy of genocide. Again, Russia and China have been timid of calling the conflict genocide thus avoiding any affirmative action to stop it. These cases all show that where one state is unwilling to be involved in stopping genocide, their right and power to the veto stops or delays the international community from preventing and punishing genocide, regardless of whether the veto is used or merely seen as a threat. Therefore, for future prevention of genocide, the veto needs to be changed to prevent its use in times of genocide.