文化外交是近年來國際關係中的一項重要議題，各國皆對外輸出軟權力來增加該國在世界上的影響力，中國自改革開放後經濟與軍事能力大幅成長，因此近年來便開始加強對外文化輸出的工作，運用文化外交的力量以達到國家政策的目標。 本研究的目的在於對胡錦濤主政時期的文化外交政策做一全面性的認識，論文首先探討文化外交的理論淵源，進而建構出文化外交的意涵；其次從總體的角度來研究胡錦濤政府文化外交政策，包括其產生原因以及訴求，並對執行此政策的各相關機構與指導方針做分析。另外在具體實踐方面，論文從孔子學院及2008年北京奧運來探討中國文化外交政策的成效，最後針對這兩項實踐以及總體文化外交政策做深入的評估。 研究發現中國的文化外交政策之興起有其內、外在環境的影響，而執行的結果雖然有達到一定的成效，但受限於部份因素的制約，使得中國的文化外交政策仍有許多待改進之處。 / Cultural diplomacy is an important issue in international relations in recent years; many countries output their soft power to increase their influences in the world. Since the success of China’s reform and open policy, its economy and military power had a large growth. Therefore, China started to strengthen the policy of cultural output, using the power of cultural diplomacy to achieve its national goal. The purpose of this research is to have a comprehensive understanding on the cultural diplomacy during Hu Jintao’s administration. In the beginning of this research, we discuss the theories of cultural diplomacy, and then to describe it’s meaning. Secondly, we analyze this policy, including the background and purpose, from the overall viewpoint, and also study on the government departments and documents related to this policy. In addition, we take Confucius Institute and Beijing Olympic Games for examples to discuss the result of China’s cultural diplomacy. At last, this research has the analysis on these two practices and the policy. This research found that the appearance of China’s cultural diplomacy is influenced by the inner and outer environments. Although this policy has its result, it is still restricted by some factors. It means there are still many places of this policy need to be improved.

近年來，全球化的高度發展促使國際格局逐漸產生改變，中國作為一新興國家，已相當明白當前國際間的競合關係應以良性發展為導向，致力於改變過去給予國際社會過度擴張剛性權力的既定印象，方能提供其綜合國力穩定發展的平台。透過觀察中國一連串有計畫的國家文化行銷活動，可見中國過去數千年的溫和、中庸的文化印象遺產成了柔性權力發展的最佳載具，其中又以中國官辦官營的孔子學院在全球長期性、有組織且有計畫的設點最受到關注。 　　國家如同商品，需要量身打造最適的計畫及管道來定位及行銷，本文透過結合學者Kotler及Olins的行銷理論，使用文獻分析法、歷史比較研究法以及內容分析法，配合國內外主要報業對於孔子學院之報導及評論作次級資料分析，（資料蒐集區段自2004年孔子學院成立以至2010年7月）探討國家形象建構之重要性及中國選擇孔子學院為扭轉其國家形象之途徑因素及成效。 / In recent year, blooming of globalization catalyzed the change of international situation. As an up-and-coming country, China realized the competition and cooperation among the globe should have the common goal of working toward a healthier development. China also recognized that the need of transform its stereotype image of being the over expanded hard power would be the solution to create platform for steady growth of national power. As soft power becoming the trend of today, how to create a positive national image is one of top priority policies for China. By studying China’s stream of well-planned marketing events for its national culture, we could see how the mild and mean culture of China in the past thousand years materialized. Out of all the events, the government managed Confucius Institutes organized expansion globally is the most followed event. A nation is very similar to a product, which need customized plan and channel for marketing. By combining Kotler and Olins’s marketing theory, this research paper discuss about the importance of constructing a national image. This research also discusses in detail about the process and the result of China using Confucius Institutes to modify its national image.

孔子學院是中國軟實力政策的展現。它創設的是目的為了向世界推廣中國文化與漢語，增進世界各國對中國的瞭解，目前全球已設有443所孔子學院與648間孔子課堂。 俄羅斯是中國最友好的朋友之一，也是重要的政治、經濟、戰略夥伴。因為兩國的關係不斷地發展，俄羅斯人對漢語的興趣也越來越高。為滿足俄羅斯人的需要，中國遂把在俄羅斯設立孔子學院列為積極推動的項目。俄羅斯目前已經有18所孔子學院與5間孔子課堂。 本論文的題目是『孔子學院在莫斯科：國家的形象與在地認知』，旨在瞭解在俄羅斯漢語教師與學生對孔子學院的觀感為何。 本論文所採用用的研究方法為面對面訪問跟次級資料分析。 分析的結果顯示，大部分受訪者持正面的看法，並對孔子學院給予高度評價，以及認為孔子學院對中俄關係的發展產生很重要的作用。雖然有一些人認為，孔子學院是中國政府情報機關的部分，但是總的印象是正面的。中國在俄羅斯成功地建立其自身的良好形象，而孔子學院是它以達到其目的使用的工具之一。 / Abstract Confucius Institute (CI) is one of China's soft power policy initiatives. It aims to promote Chinese language and culture all over the globe, enhance the world's understanding of China. Today there are already 443 Confucius Institutes and 648 Confucius Classrooms in the world. Russia is one China’s closest friends and allies, as well as its important political, economic and strategic partner. Due to the continuous development of the bilateral relations, Russian people are more and more interested in Chinese language. To meet their need in studying Mandarin, China is actively promoting the establishment of the Confucius Institute there. Now there are already 18 Confucius Institutes and 5 Confucius Classroom 5 in Russia. The name of this thesis is: "Confucius Institutes in Moscow: national image and local perception." It aims at understanding what kind of attitude Russians, who teach or study Chinese either at the CI or somewhere else, have towards the Confucius Institute. Besides, it was also important to understand whether Sino-Russian relations play a crucial role in shaping people’s attitude towards the CI. Throughout the research the author used primary data sources (field work, interviews), as well as secondary data sources. Field research was conducted only in Moscow, the rest of the information about the development of the CIs in Russia is observed through the secondary data sources (reports, newspapers, journals). Results of the analysis indicate that the majority of Russian people, on the example of Moscow, have favorable attitude towards the Confucius Institute. Although in general there are also those who are skeptical about this initiative in Russia, stating that China is using the CIs as a part of its intelligence network, but the overall impression is positive. The PRC managed to create a favorable image of itself in Russia, and the Confucius Institute is one of the tools it uses in order to reach its aim.

近年來，經濟全球化不僅加深了國家間的經濟關係，而且也推進國家間的文化交流。研究軟實力與文化外交的議題成為國際關係的重點。文化外交在中國對外政策的地位也提升，文化外交戰略必將成為中國整體外交戰略的有機組成部份。因此中國開始實現中國文化「走出去」的工作，在國外舉辦「中國年」、「漢語年」、「旅遊年」，成立孔子學院。中國設立孔子學院和進行各種各樣的活動為了傳播漢語和中華文化。 目前學者關於中國對俄羅斯文化外交的研究較少著墨。因此，本論文試圖從文化外交角度來分析當代中國與俄羅斯關係，本研究目的在於瞭解中國文化外交內涵、目標與發展狀況，論文首先探討；其次探討中國對俄國的文化外交之具體實踐，包括政府層面交流和教育層面交往。最後研究中國文化外交在俄羅斯的成效以及中俄關係存在的問題。 研究發現雖然中國文化外交政策在俄羅斯有成效，但是中俄關係有還沒解決的問題：中國「威脅」、「擴張」的論調在俄羅斯仍然很有市場，中俄兩國之間深層互信還是不夠，而經貿合作水平遠低於兩國政治關係的高度。

近年來，中國和拉美國家在政治、經貿和人文等各方面的關係越來越密切。為了增強中國的綜合國力、提升中國的國際地位並促進中拉關係持續發展，中國在拉美地區大力推廣孔子學院。本文透過研究孔子學院在拉美發展的情形，探討中拉關係的發展趨勢及中國對拉美國家的文化軟實力，發現中拉雙方的政治和經貿關係影響文化交流甚深，顯示中國希望其文化軟實力能和政治與經濟等硬實力相匹配。然而，儘管漢語熱確實在拉美地區升溫，拉美孔子學院在改善中國形象方面的成效卻不如預期。 / In recent years, China and Latin American countries have developed closer relations in various fields such as politics, economy and humanities. Through promoting Confucius Institute in Latin America, China seeks to improve its comprehensive national strength, enhance its international status and promote the sustainable development of Sino-Latin America relations. This thesis, through analyzing Confucius Institutes in Latin America, discussed the trend of China-Latin America relations and China’s cultural soft power in Latin American countries. It was found that the political and economic ties between China and Latin America have a profound impact on cultural exchanges because China attempts to make its cultural soft power match its hard power. However, despite the fact that the demand for Chinese language learning has indeed surged in Latin America, the improvement of China’s image in the region is less than expected.

Depuis le début du vingt-et-unième siècle, la République Populaire de Chine (RPC) est engagée dans une spectaculaire offensive de charme sur le continent africain. Cette stratégie chinoise n’est pas nouvelle et s’inscrit dans le cadre légal fixé par la Déclaration finale de la conférence de Bandung de 1955. Depuis cette date, et davantage depuis la création du FOCAC en 2000, l’importance de l’Afrique dans la quête d’influence globale de la Chine Populaire n’a cessé de croitre, alliant désormais influence économique et influence culturelle. L’Afrique subsaharienne francophone est un terrain propice à l’étude de cette nouvelle stratégie chinoise. Ce cadre spatial nous permet de constater qu’à travers les Instituts Confucius, les médias publics chinois et la médecine chinoise dite « traditionnelle » (MTC), les dirigeants chinois entendent tout mettre en œuvre afin de préserver leurs intérêts économiques en Afrique et faciliter l’intégration de leurs entreprises et communautés diasporiques. Précisons tout de même qu’à travers l’apprentissage du mandarin, les africains parviennent à tirer avantage de ce soft power chinois. Toutefois, la relative intégration des chinois, le caractère propagandiste des IC et médias chinois, ainsi que le recourt par les entreprises chinoises basées en Afrique à de l’importation de main d’œuvre, pratique encore en vigueur aujourd’hui, contribuent à ternir l’image de la Chine Populaire auprès des opinions publiques africaines. En outre, cette percée culturelle chinoise en Afrique subsaharienne francophone a eu un impact notoire sur la diplomatie culturelle du partenaire historique, la France, mais aussi sur la Francophonie. De ce fait, elle contribue à une redéfinition des rapports de forces et a induit l’émergence de partenariats trilatéraux. / Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has embarked in a spectacular charm offensive in Africa. This Chinese strategy is not new and falls within the legal framework established by the Bandung Final Declaration of 1955. Since then, and particularly since the establishing of FOCAC in 2000, the importance of Africa for the Global influence of the People's Republic of China has continued to grow, combining economic influence with cultural influence. Francophone sub-Saharan Africa is a good ground for studying this new Chinese strategy. This space frame allows us to see through the Confucius Institutes, the Chinese public media and the “traditional Chinese medicine (TCM)”, the Chinese leaders intend to make every effort to preserve their economic interests in Africa and facilitate the integration of their businesses and diasporic communities. It should be noted that Africans are able to take advantage of this Chinese soft power. However, the relative integration of Chinese, the propagandist character of IC and the Chinese media, as well as the importation of labor by the Chinese companies’ bases in Africa, contribute to tarnish the image of Popular China among African public opinion. In addition, this Chinese cultural breakthrough in francophone sub-Saharan Africa has had an endless impact on the cultural diplomacy of the historical partner, France, and also on Francophonie. As a result, it contributes to a redefinition of the balance of power and to the emergence of trilateral partnerships.

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本文從分析國際環境的變化開始，在資訊傳播科技的進步和國際社會價值觀的變化中，整理出國家管理國家形象的三種方法：國際宣傳、公眾外交和國家品牌。本文將公眾外交和國家品牌作結合，建構出本論文的主題：「國家」行銷。 由於目前並沒有實例可證明「國家」行銷的效用，故只能從美國的失敗案例中，說明「國家」行銷的重要性。接著，本文以中國對美國發動公眾外交的個案為例，測試該模式的「描述」能力，並加以「解釋」中國行動背後的原因，最後「研究」中國公眾外交的發展。 本論文主要的研究成果有四：第一，是從文獻的討論中，指出「國際宣傳」與「公眾外交」的差異。第二，是蒐集1965年至2005年間，學界討論公眾外交的變化。第三，是建構一套「國家」行銷分析架構，試圖描述、解釋並研究一國公眾外交政策的發展。第四，是以中國的公眾外交為例，補足目前學術界在亞洲個案上的空缺。 / This thesis paper drew four conclusions: (1) illustrated the difference between “international propaganda” and “public diplomacy” (2) collected and cataloged different definitions of “public diplomacy” (3) established the analytical model－the marketing of “nation”, trying to describe, explain or predict the whole scenery of “public diplomacy” (4) taking the public diplomacy of People’s Republic of China(PRC) for example, examined the effectiveness of the marketing of “nation”.